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James Baldwin and Melanie Klein in the Context of Black Lives Matter
David W McIvor

Recent killings of unarmed black citizens are a fresh reminder of the troubled state of racial integration in the United States. At the same time, the unfolding Black Lives Matter protest movements and the responses by federal agencies each testify to a not insignificant capacity for addressing social pathologies surrounding the color line. In order to respond to this ambivalent situation, this article suggests a pairing between the work of James Baldwin and that of the psychoanalyst Melanie Klein. I will argue that we cannot fully appreciate the depths of what Baldwin called the “savage paradox” of race without the insights provided by Klein and object relations psychoanalysis. Conversely, Baldwin helps us to sound out the political significance of object relations approaches, including the work of Klein and those influenced by her such as Hanna Segal and Wilfred Bion. In conversation with the work of Baldwin, object relations theory can help to identify particular social settings and institutions that might allow concrete efforts toward racial justice to take root.

James Baldwin Review
Debates Surrounding Ebola Vaccine Trials in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo
Myfanwy James, Joseph Grace Kasereka, and Shelley Lees

acceptability’ of medical procedures, to instead focus on political questions of governance and political economy. Global health and humanitarian institutions must recognise the political significance of local popular critiques of international interventions, situating them in legacies of colonialism and postcolonial political and economic inequality. Fine-grained, contextual research on the everyday politics of biomedical ethics is crucial and timely, not only in DRC where

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

This book presents a biography of the poetics and politics of London in 1613, from Whitehall to Guildhall, that is, Shakespeare's London. It examines major events at court, such as the untimely death of Prince Henry and its aftermath, and the extravagant wedding of Princess Elizabeth to Frederick of Germany and her journey to the Continent. The city flourished with scores of publications on a vast array of topics, including poetry, travel narratives, music, and, of course, plays. The book offers summaries and analyses of most of these texts, knowing that some of them may not be well-known to all readers. Many of these publications had a kind of link to the court. In order to understand the context of the year 1613, the book actually begins in October 1612 with Prince Henry's illness and death in November, which had a major impact on what happened in 1613. It proceeds more or less chronologically from this event to Princess Elizabeth's wedding and the stunning array of dramatic performances at court, and includes the journey to her new home in Germany. As part of the year's cultural nexus, the narrative reaches into the Guildhall experience to explore the riches of the books that emanated from London's printers and to examine specifically the drama performed or published in 1613. The final major focus centres on the Carr-Howard wedding at the year's end, full of cultural activities and ripe with political significance.

Michael G. Cronin

, that could be productively fused with a commitment to a Catholic worldview. Clearly, the meaning of this political position has altered with time. O’Brien was writing when European politics was dominated by totalitarianism and the struggle against it, and her attachment to an essentially nineteenth-century model of ethical liberal individualism was, in those circumstances, pertinent but also nostalgic. But in the late twentieth and early twentyfirst century, when the neo-liberal ideology of individualism is now dominant, the political significance of O’Brien’s model

in Impure thoughts
Angela K. Bourne

regime and its political salience in contemporary Basque politics. The second section describes the evolution of EU challenges to Basque taxation measures and examines arguments developed by the European Commission and the ECJ’s advocate general, Antonio Saggio, about their compatibility with common market rules. The final section examines Basque government strategies to ‘defend’ taxation powers against EU challenges and how Basque and central authorities managed to navigate their way through the complexities of this case. The political significance of the Concierto

in The European Union and the accommodation of Basque difference in Spain
Abstract only
Andrew Smith

This book has proposed a number of ways of reading the political significance of the spectre during a period when a range of political issues were projected and reconstituted into other (ghostly) forms. The issue of projection and doubling is central to this process. Freud’s model of the uncanny, discussed in Chapter 1 , seems particularly relevant to our analysis as he

in The ghost story, 1840–1920
Abstract only
Genet our contemporary
Carl Lavery

– and still is – to produce new spaces, spaces of revolution . In the final section of the book, I address Genet’s contemporary political significance by looking at his key influence on modern directors in Spain, the USA and UK. Reflecting my methodological commitment to anachrony in this study, my intention is to broaden the book’s historical and geographical remit, and to grasp how LLUÍS Pasqual, JoAnne Akalaitis and Ultz and Excalibah have attempted to make Genet’s late plays politically relevant for audiences in different socio-political contexts than the one

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
Peter D.G. Thomas

to the Tory gallery, Chap 2 19/8/02 11:41 am Page 27 The political scenario in 1760 27 this undoubted Whig even told the House of Commons that he was ‘neither Whig nor Tory’.6 The Tories rallied to support Pitt as a minister whose professed strategy of maritime warfare accorded with their own idea of how to fight France. Both he and they were in that respect soon to learn wisdom from experience. The political significance of George III’s accession in 1760 has been reassessed in the light of these perceptions of the 1750s. No longer can any credence be given

in George III
Dominic Bryan, S. J. Connolly, and John Nagle

undoubted distinction, but his connection with Belfast consisted mainly of his sponsorship of an unsuccessful attempt to capture one of its parliamentary seats for the Liberals in 1865. All in all, it seems likely that the impetus for this sudden enthusiasm for statues came less from an urge to memorialise for its own sake than from the creation around the new civic headquarters of a large open space, demanding to be appropriately filled up. Two other additions to the city’s monumental landscape were of greater political significance. In both of

in Civic identity and public space
Introduction
Carl Lavery

vision. For her, ‘Genet is the only writer who saw with lucidity what the new face of the enemy would look like’ ( 2000 : 156; my translation). Although Redonnet strangely neglects to describe what that face is or to whom it might belong, it is safe to assume from a detailed reading of her book Jean Genet: le poète travesti that the ‘enemy’ has much in common with what the Retort collective has named the ‘military– industrial–entertainment complex’ of advanced capital ( 2006 : 37). 3 Redonnet’s views on Genet’s political significance are endorsed by the Indian

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre