Throughout its brief history, photography has had a close relationship to social movements. From the Commune of Paris in 1871, the first political uprising to be captured by camera, to the 1990s anti-globalisation movement, the photographic medium has played a crucial role in political struggles. The book reflects critically on the theory of photography and the social movements themselves. It draws on a range of humanities disciplines, including photography theory and history, social movement theory, political theory, cultural history, visual culture, media studies and the history and theory of art. The book takes as a starting point 1968 - a year that witnessed an explosion of social movements worldwide and has been interpreted as a turning point for political practice and theory. The finishing point is 2001 - a signpost for international politics due to September 11 and a significant year for the movement because of the large-scale anti-capitalist protests in Genoa. Within these chronological limits, the book focuses on a selection of distinctive instances in which the photographic medium intersects with the political struggle. The three case studies are not the only pertinent examples, by any means, but they are important ones, not only historically and politically, but also iconographically. They are the student and worker uprising in France in May 1968 and two moments of the contemporary anti-capitalist movement, the indigenous Zapatista movement in Mexico and the anti-capitalist protests in Genoa in 2001.
In the early 2000s, the Internet, the blogosphere and new online medias were said to have recreated and expanded the countercultural political uprisings of the late 1960s. The radicalism of the underground press, equality, anti-war and anti-colonial movements never quite managed the translate their counter-hegemonic activism into a dynamic restructuring of politics in the West. However, academics and activists saw potential in the Internet to offer a space with which to counter the narratives of political elites, capitalism, globalisation and the domination of western corporations. In Ireland, a group of writers, led by former republican prisoners, developed an activist media space that was critical of Sinn Féin, dissidents and the dominant narratives of the Peace Process. The print magazine Fourthwrite and the online magazine The Blanket, harnessed old and new technology to provide a sustained countercultural critique of their times. That they sustained themselves for much of the 2000s without a specific political vehicle or purpose while producing some of the most compelling and inclusive writing about the times is testament to the opportunities that technology provides for committed modern activists.
h r o u g h o u t its brief history, photography has had a close relationship
to social movements. From the Commune of Paris in 1871, the first politicaluprising to be captured by camera, to the 1990s anti-globalisation movement, the
photographic medium has played a crucial role in political struggles.1 The camera’s
presence at very important moments of political resistance resulted in some of the
best-known photographs in the history of twentieth-century photography. Some
of these photographs transcended the historical and geographical
to art photography, from the form of reportage to art and from the institution of
the newspaper to that of the museum entails the danger that specific historical
information is elided and the particular is fatefully generalised.19 The real danger
here is that the assumed passivity of the reified figure of the individual comes
to obscure the aliveness and uniqueness of this politicaluprising, a process in
which historical knowledge about collective action falls by the wayside. Barbey’s
predilection for memorable individual figures is exacerbated by the
misplaced. Stanley Baldwin’s Conservative
government could not afford (economically or politically) to subsidise coal at
the expense of other industries.
In the pre- and post-war years leading up to 1926, protests at home (labour
and suffragettes) and in the Empire (Ireland and India) combined with the
war and a Red Scare to challenge old notions of pre-war Liberal England
(Dangerfield, 1935). While the various social, economic, and politicaluprisings certainly contributed to the sense of a disintegrating world, it was
the First World War that afterwards had the greatest
Chemnitz protesters as revolutionaries, framing the riots as justifiable resistance that signalled the beginning of the end of a corrupt state. Extreme right-wing leaders even compared the riots to the youth- and citizen-led democratic protests of 1968 and 1989. This rhetoric further empowered ordinary citizens and legitimized the violence. 17
Referencing the 1968 politicaluprisings and the 1989 peaceful revolution proved to be a powerful strategy to elicit an atmosphere of revolution and of resistance against a regime framed as authoritarian or even totalitarian
institutions of the State that ostensibly protect their
rights as human beings under international human rights laws.
The utilisation of GR 25 continues to provoke a degree of controversy within CERD with the change of membership of the Committee,
as was the case recently when CERD addressed the impact of politicaluprisings that have led to violent conflicts in Africa, the Middle East,
Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. With less than full support from some colleagues,26 it was the women on CERD who invoked
Security Council Resolution 132527 and recommended that
render manifest. 43
The worsening living conditions of the population in the GDR fuelled a series of workers’ protests that took place throughout East German territory in 1953, culminating in a full-fledged politicaluprising in East Berlin. It was the armed intervention of Soviet troops, on 17 June 1953, and their enforcement of martial law throughout East German territory, which allowed the GDR authorities to regain control of the situation.
The June uprising was the first serious political challenge to rattle the Soviet bloc following Stalin
Queering ethnicity and British Muslim masculinities in Sally El Hosaini’s
My Brother the Devil (2012)
Alberto Fernández Carbajal
electing new governments. If there was a sense of nationalism, it is not the old-fashioned Arabism but the nationalism that is entwined with a craving for political change. It is not a purely visceral cultural nationalism. There is also the demographic factor behind these politicaluprisings, with huge numbers of unemployed youth becoming increasingly frustrated with their governments and taking to protest’ (Saikal and Acharya, 2014 , p. 3). Although many of the young people involved in the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ are Muslim, it is assumed here that they had no Islamist