The power politicsofrepresentation
Saami poet Nils-Aslak Valkeapää called for a vision of the Arctic as a horizontal highway of movement and conversation, with its treeless expanses
providing opportunity to roam and the long polar nights providing
opportunity to talk and listen (1998). This evocative image of a highway
of interconnection is a counterpoint to the typical ways in which the
Arctic is divided by standard maps and globes, with North–South political lines transecting the Saami homeland in the European North. Maps,
films, poetry and policy
The PoliticsofRepresentation. Writing Practices in
Biography, Photography, and Policy Analysis (Madison, WI,
University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), p. 91, and Roxanne Lynn Doty,
Imperial Encounters. The PoliticsofRepresentation in
North–South Relations (Minneapolis and London,
University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 175f
Migration, understood as the movement of people and cultures, gives impetus to globalisation and the transculturation processes that the interaction between people and cultures entails. This book addresses migration as a profoundly transforming force that has remodelled artistic and art institutional practices across the world. It explores contemporary art's critical engagement with migration and globalisation as a key source for improving our understanding of how these processes transform identities, cultures, institutions and geopolitics. The book also explores three interwoven issues of enduring interest: identity and belonging, institutional visibility and recognition of migrant artists, and the interrelations between aesthetics and politics, and its representations of forced migration. Transculturality indicates a certain quality (of an idea, an object, a self-perception or way of living) which joins a variety of elements indistinguishable as separate sources. The topic of migration is permeated not only with political but also with ethical urgencies. The most telling sign of how profoundly the mobility turn has affected the visual arts is perhaps the spread of the term global art in the discourses on art, where it is often used as a synonym for internationally circulating contemporary art. The book examines interventions by three artists who take a critical de- and postcolonial approach to the institutional structures and spaces of Western museums. The book also looks at the politics of representation, and particularly the question of how aesthetics, politics and ethics can be triangulated and balanced when artists seek to make visible the conditions of irregular migration.
Religion, Jacobitism, and the politics of representation in Lady Gregory’s The White Cockade
‘A bad master’: religion,
Jacobitism, and the politicsofrepresentation in Lady Gregory’s
The White Cockade
The weakness of your position is that nearly all your writers are protestants &,
so, liable to get into religious difficulties, partly through not understanding
exactly what will + what will not give offence, partly because the Catholic will
never quite trust your being really in sympathy with them.1
n answer to their invitation for subscriptions to the proposed Irish
Literary Theatre in 1897, Lady Augusta Gregory and W. B. Yeats received
recognise one another has implications for how they behave: this can trigger political crises or open potential avenues for peace.
As I will demonstrate, such a focus allows us to understand how the politicsofrepresentation influences foreign policy, and vice versa, creating a deeper comprehension of how and why shifts in policymaking evolve. In doing so I stake a claim that recognition as a relational process goes beyond the juridical and legal determinants of state sovereignty, as has been the focus of recent scholarly work. For a state to be
representation and recognition. Consideration of these links will, in turn, facilitate the understanding of how the politicsofrepresentation impact on the creation of foreign policy, and vice versa.
To begin the study, I examine US representations of itself and of Iran and its nuclear program. The representations are not specific to official state discourse; rather, they are shared between the levels of high and low politics and seemingly reflect the broad categories outlined in Chapter 1 of Self–Other, and historical narrative and metaphor. Overall
attention to the politicsofrepresentation. By this I do not mean
representation in the formal political sense, centred on issues of
membership and procedure (Fraser 1995 ).
Rather, I mean the political act of discursive framing and
construction of subjects in order to serve specific ends – in this
case, to serve the ends of ‘development’, ‘humanitarianism’ or
A decade ago, just out of
graduate school, I published an article exploring questions of the
politicsofrepresentation in jazz criticism in which I argued that,
in some contexts, ‘the death of the author’ actually
promotes the abuse of cultural power that Michel Foucault objected
to in his 1969 lecture Qu’est-ce qu’un auteur? ,
The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.
In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.