This book explains the forms of popular protest before the Black Death in later Medieval Europe. It focuses on 'a contagion of revolts' following the Black Death from around 1355 to 1382. The book documents the best-known revolt in France before the French Revolution, the Jacquerie. The revolt spread from the Beauvaisis as far east as Bar on France's frontier with the Holy Roman Empire but lasted a mere two weeks, 28 May to 10 June 1358. The book also focuses on the best known of the urban revolts of the fourteenth century, the Revolt of the Ciompi, which set off with a constitutional conflict in June 1378, and whose regime in alliance with minor-guild artisans lasted until mid-January 1382. It then views the 'cluster of revolts' of northern France and Flanders, 1378 to 1382, concentrating on the most important of these, the tax revolts of the Harelle in Rouen and the Maillotins or hammer men in Paris. It looks beyond the 'cluster' to the early fifteenth century. While intended principally for students, the book aims to stimulate new research on popular protest in the Middle Ages. It includes a Parisian student conflict against the troops of the duke of Savoy in 1404.
better integrated and coordinated with urban insurgency among the lower
classes than any revolt seen two hundred years later in German-speaking
Curiously, this rich vein of popularprotest declined momentarily with
the famines of 1314–18. 2
expectations highlighted by modern historical and sociological models of
‘the pre-industrial riot’, these
commission – and cover a wide variety of popularprotest in different social, political, and economic settings. The
original purpose behind this project was to pose the question: what
difference did the Black Death and its successive waves of pestilence
make for the seeming rash of popularprotest – a new
‘violent tenor of life’ to use Johan Huizinga’s
– and in
broader context of the abundant evidence for popularprotest and discontent in the early years of Henry IV’s reign remains to be considered in detail. This has distorted understanding of the whole episode in certain important respects.
Some caution needs to be exercised of course in analysing the hearsay material on which much of this study is based. Some of it derives from the appeals of approvers, criminals who had already confessed to a capital felony before a coroner and were, to avoid execution, systematically informing on as many of their accomplices and co
city-state’s conflict with Bruges, and the ensuing
proto-nationalist struggle against French overlordship should be
labelled as popularprotest; rather, it is better seen as civil war and
the efforts of one ruling elite to establish hegemony in Flanders.
First, Philip reestablished his family’s dynastic control over
the city, using his first month in power to settle ruthlessly old family
insurrection reported by its town chronicles was that of the wool
workers’ Club of the Caterpillar in 1371. By contrast, only two
incidents that might be defined as popularprotest emerge in the
published Sienese chronicles between 1371 and 1425 (and probably
beyond). In the first, villagers southwest of Siena in 1423 formed a
vigilante group to apprehend ‘the monster’ they suspected
of killing a neighbour
Chapter II extends from 1348 to 1378, or just before the supposed cluster of revolts identified by Mollat and Wolff; it includes the Tuchins in the south of France and a ground-swell of revolts in Italy that reached their peak by the mid-1370s.
Chapter III documents the best-known revolt in France before the French Revolution – the Jacquerie – which spread from the Beauvaisis as far east as Bar on France’s frontier with the Holy Roman Empire but which lasted a mere two weeks, 28 May to 10 June 1358.
Chapter IV focuses on the best known of the urban revolts of the fourteenth century, the Revolt of the Ciompi, which set off with a constitutional conflict in June 1378, and whose regime in alliance with minor-guild artisans lasted until mid-January 1382.
Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.