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Studies in intellectual history

The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.

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Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited
James Dunkerley

the Remaking of the World Order, published as an article in 1993 and as a much expanded book in 1996, can readily be made on the grounds of elucidating an infamously fluid and inconsistent text, or on those of reviewing the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post-​Cold War years. What is not, however, required is any effort to rescue the argument from some supposed marginality or obscurity. The article was translated into twenty-​ six languages, and the book (which is the version that will almost exclusively concern us here) has never gone out of

in American foreign policy
Open Access (free)
Elana Wilson Rowe

), this untidy geopolitical backdrop of the post-​Cold War years has been largely productive in the Arctic. New initiatives, such as the circumpolar Arctic Council, the CBSS and formalised structures for cross-​ border contact in the Barents region of the Nordic Arctic (discussed in detail in Chapter  1), have been created. Against this dizzyingly positive backdrop of growing cooperation and despite the many important contributions to scholarship from Arctic scholars, power relations as manifested in cross-​border cooperative practice have yet to be rigorously analysed

in Arctic governance
Eşref Aksu

substantial impact on the structure of the international system. Again, Falk is illuminating here. Two historical conditions in the post-Cold War years characterised the period of ‘transition to geogovernance’. 3 The first was the removal of ‘any pattern of strategic antagonism in the North’ (mainly the Cold War), whereby the North was left in control of the management of global power and resources

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
New stories on rafted ice
Elana Wilson Rowe

Komsomolets in April 1989 in the Barents Sea, highlighted the fragility of Arctic ecosystems (Graczyk and Koivurova, 2014). The immediate post-​Cold War years witnessed the establishment of the many new forums and network. The Northern Forum was launched in Alaska, bringing together regional (sub-​ state) governments, indigenous organisations and engaged academics (Young, 2002). The Barents Euro-​Arctic Region and Council brought together a similar set of actors at the Nordic/​Russian Arctic level. The establishment of IASC highlighted the potential and desire for more

in Arctic governance
P. Terrence Hopmann

prevent ‘Humpty Dumpty’ from falling off of his wall. The organisation’s record in this case is mixed. However, the OSCE has often been blamed unfairly for failing to prevent conflicts. Too often OSCE inaction was the result of the refusal by one or more of its participating states to take action recommended by OSCE mission heads or other officials such as the HCNM; that is, by the failure to obtain the consensus that is required to take decisive action. Furthermore, in the early post-Cold War years the OSCE did not have a sufficient structural capacity to respond to

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
A power perspective on Arctic governance
Elana Wilson Rowe

’Tuathail and Dalby, 1998). The rumpled geopolitical backdrop of the post-​Cold War years was important to reframing the Arctic as location for innovative forms of cooperation. The post-​Cold War period saw the establishment of the circumpolar Arctic Council and the Council of Baltic Sea States, and formalised structures for cross-​ border contact in the Barents region of the Nordic Arctic (discussed in detail in Chapter 1). Simultaneously, the impacts of globalisation and new networks of interest, influence and interaction have vastly broadened the range of actors and sites

in Arctic governance
Cerwyn Moore

of a cult or mythic leader, both of which are easily identifiable in epic stories. Furthermore, this also aligned the collective identity of the Serbian peoples with commonly-held ideas about religious identity, embracing the role of the Church in the immediate post-Cold War years. In turn this fed into the story advanced by Milosević, which in many ways, mirrored parables – short narratives designed to demonstrate moral authority. 91 Contemporary violence National re-Birth and the Milosević era: from Yugoslavia to Serbia A number of events occurred in the story

in Contemporary violence
David Curran

. The chapter proceeds as follows. First, the chapter will analyse the UK’s interaction with UN peacekeeping in its earlier iterations, looking in particular at missions in Egypt and the Congo (now Democratic Republic of the Congo). This period saw the UN’s rise come at the same time as the colonial wain of the UK on the continent. The chapter will then examine peacekeeping during the post-Cold War years. During the 1990s, the UK had little engagement with operations on the African continent, yet developed a peacekeeping doctrine that would shape all peacekeeping

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Abstract only
Stanley R. Sloan

– Democratic and Republican – sought ways to contain the financial burdens and to get the Europeans to compensate the United States for some of NATO’s costs, the established pattern persisted into the post-Cold War years. Over all these years, the Congress did most of the complaining while successive presidents of both parties urged allies to do more but largely defended the alliance and its costs as necessary for US national interests. In this area, Trump has already reversed institutional roles with his burden-sharing complaints and his threats to abandon key

in Transatlantic traumas