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The media and international intervention

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

Making and disrupting identity
Christine Agius
Dean Keep

This chapter explores the ways in which identity claims and identity fragmentation have played a significant role in reshaping the global political agenda. The disruptions to the post-Cold War international order and increased insecurity and political unrest have also impacted the way we debate and conceptualise identity. Globalisation and critiques of ‘identity politics’, however, have important effects for understanding the ‘politics of identity’ and the ways in which ideas about identity constitute not only subjects but states and organisations. This chapter examines some of the contours of these debates with a view to refocussing attention on the politics of identity, specifically regarding how identity works, and the effects (and affects) it produces.

in The politics of identity
International Relations theory and the study of UN peace operations
Mats Berdal

demand; all of these ensure that the UN peace operations will remain a most fertile territory for theorists and practitioners alike for many years to come. Notes 1 Hence the connection drawn, often explicitly, in several studies of UN ‘interventionism’ in the 1990s to the larger IR debate about whether or not the post-Cold War international order was moving in a solidarist, as distinct from a pluralist, direction. See

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

understood as a defining moment in changing the post-Cold War international order and abandoning the principles of sovereign equality and non-interference. It is notable that these two papers continued to carry explicitly pro-intervention editorials during the later periods examined in this study: the Independent making ‘The case for intervention’ in a 15 October 1993 editorial, for example; and the

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

intervention in Iraq was justified, a strong majority of citizens claimed it was ‘not justified’ (41 per cent) or ‘largely not justified’ (27 per cent). 19 The war in Iraq, for many Europeans, had little to do with the ‘war on terrorism’. The EU and the US have different conceptions of the post-Cold War international order. For the US, the ‘war on terrorism’ is the licence to reassert US

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
The relative autonomy of coastal Horn of Africa states in their relations with Gulf countries
Aleksi Ylönen

War international order saw the deepening of Western influence in the former Soviet sphere. Neoliberal economic reforms and a wave of democratisation swept through Africa. 12 The old authoritarian regimes had lost their Cold War support and the powerful Western donors and international organisations increasingly subjected leaderships in Africa to conditionalities such as ‘good governance’, respect for human rights, and the cutting down of the public sector. The aid largely dictated by the ‘Washington consensus

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Abstract only
Post-Cold War conflicts and the media
Philip Hammond

justification for this activism, however, were necessarily different from the past. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
H. D. P. Envall

this case assumes that what had gone before – primarily the tenets of the Yoshida Doctrine along with wider concepts of pacifism and anti-militarism – no longer function, and indeed have become ‘abnormal’ in the context of the post-Cold War international order. 60 Initially, the debate took on a globalist outlook, with a strong emphasis on what Japan should be doing as a more active contributor to the international community and the United Nations. A major contributor in the

in National perspectives on a multipolar order
Abstract only
Kimberly Hutchings

others rests on its claim to offer a more plausible understanding of the nature of law, and the analytical and normative implications of that understanding. By US hegemonic liberalism, Habermas is referring to neo-conservative and liberal ‘empire’ arguments that support US interventionism as the way forward for a more stable post- Cold War international order. Habermas’s critique of this kind of thinking is that because it effectively reduces law to power it compromises its own liberal credentials. This not only leads the US to make serious mistakes about how to fight

in Time and world politics
Russia as ‘a Europe apart’
Andrew Monaghan

– after which there has been prolonged discussion about whether Russia would remain in the Council. 51 Moreover, the two sides have begun to accuse the other of undermining the post-Cold War international order. NATO (and some of its member states) have asserted that in annexing Crimea and intervening in eastern Ukraine, Russia is undermining the post-Cold War European security order. Russia, for its part

in The new politics of Russia