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Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.

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With an introduction by Benjamin J. Cohen
Author: Susan Strange

This book begins with a recapitulation of the main themes of Strange's earlier Casino Capitalism, stressing the major policy decisions and non-decisions that, in her opinion, had first allowed financial markets seemingly to outgrow governmental control. It adds a number of newer systemic developments that had emerged in the years after Casino Capitalism was published. Following this opening tour d'horizon, the book evaluates many of these developments in greater detail, covering the revolution in information technology interstate politics, contagion risks, global debt, money laundering and the roles of both national governments and multilateral agencies such as the International Monetary Fund and Bank for International Settlements. Great emphasis is placed on the relationship between the United States and Japan, the 'US-Japan axis', which is considered crucial to the effective management of financial crises. All the strings of Strange's discussion are pulled together where she turns her eyes to the future. Most financial research at the time seemed biased toward midlevel theory building, focusing primarily on key relationships within a broader structure whose characteristics were assumed, normally, to be given and stable. The book discusses hypotheses about the most important changes that have affected the global financial system and the international political economy. Key decisions, or non-decisions in the case of failures to act when positive action would have been possible, are also discussed.

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Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

confirm the realist’s expectations. During the 1990s Germany certainly expanded her military options and realised more of her potential military power by modernising her armed forces and participating in managing the more diversified threat environment of the post-Cold War world. Again, culturalism would not object to this general description. However, whereas realist theory would predict the eventual realisation of a country’s full military–political power potential, culturalism would not. Instead, the endpoint of change would be a foreign and security policy that

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
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Post-Cold War conflicts and the media
Philip Hammond

of interpretation and analysis must be direct and instantaneous. Yet reporters do not work in a vacuum: their writing will be influenced by the stock of ideas circulating in the culture in which they are working, particularly those which are taken up and promulgated by powerful sources. Below we first outline a number of key debates which have been influential in shaping how the post-Cold War world

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

civilisations do – at least occasionally – involve war? However, the construction of the Kosovo war as a defence of civilisation does not seem to vindicate such a reading of the emerging post-Cold War world. On the contrary, Huntington’s conception of civilisation is merely the culmination of a long tradition of conceiving government – as well as relations between governments – in terms of civilisation. This

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Kimberly Hutchings

those comfortable residents of developed democracies who scoff at the idea of historical progress in the abstract would be willing to make their lives in a backward, Third World country that represents, in effect, an earlier age of mankind. (Fukuyama, 1992: 130) The central theme of this book is that culture and cultural identities, which at the broadest level are civilization identities, are shaping the patterns of cohesion, disintegration and conflict in the post-Cold War world. (Huntington, 1996: 20) Fukuyama and Huntington self-consciously present their theories

in Time and world politics
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Philip Hammond

disagreement about the legitimacy of Western intervention in the post-Cold War world. As we have seen, the debate about explanations and causes is also a debate about prescriptions and solutions. Thus, criticism of ‘ethnic’ explanations entailed the complaint that adopting this approach disabled or discouraged an effective international response to the war. Conversely, journalists who, in Gowing

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War
Helen Thompson

only to the Kosovar Albanians, the administration presented Serbia with a demand to allow NATO troops into the whole of Yugoslavia. When Milosevic refused, it led NATO to war without seeking UN authorisation.53 The United States’ final victory in the Balkans demonstrated much about US dominance of the post-Cold War world. The administration had successfully usurped the language of universal values to justify a military intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. It had asserted that the United States and not the UN was the vehicle of the ‘international

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
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The end of International Relations?
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

seek to identify longer trend lines. Most of all, it will search for ideational trends. Whereas the previous chapter discussed the post-Cold War world with an emphasis on traditional issues of material interests and capabilities of power, this chapter will focus on the ideational changes that followed the unexpected end of the Cold War. The chapter will begin by exploring the consequences of the Soviet collapse. It will first note its impact on neighbouring countries and also trace some of its effects on regions farther afield. 1 The chapter will then

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
Bildt, Europe and neutrality in the post-Cold War era
Christine Agius

At the turn of the 1990s, domestic and external changes would make a decisive impact on Swedish identity and neutrality. Carl Bildt's non-socialist coalition broke the hegemonic position of the Social Democratic Party, instigating a new approach to the Swedish Model, Europe, and neutrality. Bildt wanted to steer Sweden away from the past towards a European identity where neutrality had no place. An equally powerful challenge came from the external realm, where the collapse of bipolarity appeared to make neutrality obsolete. The meaning of security expanded beyond traditional definitions that focused on the state. The 1990s was a significant period for neutrality per se as many neutral states struggled to understand their place in the new post-Cold War world. For Bildt, neutrality was no longer an appropriate way to describe Swedish security policy.

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality