For a number of decades our economy has failed to work for ordinary citizens. Stagnant wages have been combined with underemployment and rising costs of basic goods like healthcare, education and housing. At the same time, a small minority of the population make obscene profits, while in the background we continue to hurtle headlong into an environmental emergency. However, despite there being no shortage of anger and anti-elite sentiment expressed in what is often referred to as the ‘culture wars’, no significant challenge to the dominant economic model has broken into the mainstream. The pound and the fury argues that behind this failure of imagination are a set of taken-for-granted myths about how the economy works – myths that stifle debate and block change. The book analyses these myths, explores their origin, how they circulate and how they might be dispelled at a time when, away from the public gaze, economic theory is opening up new possibilities of economic action. Possibilities that, as we emerge from the chaos of Covid-19, could lead to the radical structural changes we desperately need.
But where some saw abstraction others saw the truth.
Albert Camus, The Plague
In the concluding chapter of this book, some considerations will be given to what social, political, and economic changes need to be made, domestically and globally, after this pandemic crisis is over. The rhetoric of war, often used to describe our struggle with COVID-19, suggests that we must start thinking in terms of jus post bellum : if life resumes as if this COVID-19 episode was only a temporary glitch, and everything postCOVID-19 goes back to being essentially
cohabitation, alcohol and cancelling provisions for leniency concerning ‘honour killings’, with an eye both to retaining talent and to fuelling economic growth postCOVID-19.
Abu Dhabi is also introducing a secular family law.
Dubai has focused on expanding tourism, real estate development and economic deal-making, including establishing new industries
From high above the Spaghetti Junction, to the caves beneath Nottingham castle, The Multicultural Midlands offers a fresh perspective on this overlooked region’s vibrant culture. Whether emanating from the Afrocentric streets of Steel Pulse’s Handsworth Revolution, the working men’s clubs where a young Lenny Henry cut his teeth, or the recesses of Adrian Mole’s teenage bedroom, the Midlands’ creativity thrives in unexpected places. Decades of misrepresentation have framed the Midlands as a cultural wasteland. This bold critical study, however, covers new ground. Using a wealth of archival sources and original interviews, the book maps the histories of twentieth-century migration onto the major cities of the Midlands – Birmingham, Nottingham, Leicester, Wolverhampton and the surrounding Black Country – exploring how diverse communities have made their mark. The book offers detailed analysis of works by Benjamin Zephaniah, Alan Sillitoe, Meera Syal and Catherine O’Flynn, among many others. In doing so, it advances debates about multiculturalism, arts funding and devolution. Within a post-Brexit, post-COVID framework, working collaboratively across cultures will be crucial to the survival of the creative industries, and Tom Kew signposts some tentative routes forward. The Multicultural Midlands provides sustained analysis and critical insight, to demonstrate how a consideration of the Midlands’ multicultural creative output requires us to think again about received ideas. Approaching multifarious texts using an even-handed analytical framework facilitates the discovery of numerous, overlapping networks of influence and impact. These networks reveal how multiple mass migrations have shaped the region which is the beating heart of multicultural Britain.
bifurcation – and COVID-19 disruption definitely contributes to the systemic crisis of late capitalism – usually stable systems become chaotic. In such volatile situations, even modest actions may have a great effect. So here is our opportunity: while the post-COVID-19 world order is in its nascent stage, pointed interventions might make the difference between socialism and barbarism.
Organising yet another project won't resolve anything, but diverting the flow of artistic and curatorial projects towards the political project of
addition, the volume has found an emerging ideological fault line developing. Whereas actual or potential challenger states such as Qatar, Turkey and Iran are confined to the MENA region, where the kingdom and UAE have greater sources of leverage, they have not effectively been isolated, due to a lack of regional and international consensus. However, relations have developed as both sides realise the value, postCOVID-19, of economic cooperation over ideational resonance. Malaysia, which entered the realm of challenger state, highlights transnationalism (and its limits
all over the world, including the two communities in Colorado which
Carolan investigated to see how the people and social institutions
responded to a threat like COVID-19. The in-depth comparative study
drawing on pre- and post-COVID data enables Carolan to empirically
illustrate to us ‘how “rural” and “rural
wellbeing” cannot be understood monolithically’ and
But in many ways the COVID-19 pandemic has only again underlined the value of familiarity with Russia's strategic planning and attempts to act with a global horizon. In some senses, it has re-emphasised some of the flaws and inefficiencies in the Russian system of governance. But significantly, despite hints of a new, “post-COVID” era emerging after the outbreak, there is a strong sense of continuity in Russian strategy. If Putin has suggested that the ‘serious challenges
mapping three future developments, each shaped by different sets of contextual circumstances and factors. The future is likely to see a greater set of parallel realities running alongside each other (even, perhaps, in the context of worsening conditions overall).
The first we label a reinvigorated minimalist state , which mirrors one part of Hyman’s intervention. Here the state (and related state agencies and bodies) address a burgeoning void of citizen (worker) rights, which may find a new space in post-Brexit and/or post-COVID landscape, either as deregulated or
the city being seen
as a potential source of infection (Boterman, 2020 , p. 514). Some have suggested that post-COVID-19 we
may see a further increase in outdoor recreation-focused tourism as
city-dwellers seek healing experiences as part of mental health
recovery after the stress of the COVID-19 pandemic (Buckley &
Westaway, 2020 ).
In relation to inequalities in use of the