Gothic Terror(ism) and Post-Devolution Britain in Skyfall
The article examines the phenomenon of terrorism presented in Sam Mendes‘s film Skyfall (2012), with relation to Julia Kristeva‘s concept of the abject, developed further by Robert Miles in the context of nationalism and identity. While exploring the extraterritorial nature of terrorism, which in Skyfall breaches the borders of the symbolic order, threatening the integrity of the British nation-state represented by M, Bond, and MI6, the article also focuses on the relationship between the major characters, whose psychological tensions represent the country‘s haunting by the ghosts of colonialism, as Britain is forced to revisit its imperial past(s) and geographies at the fragile moment of post-devolutionary changes.
the wider UK context in which it operated, this chapter now turns
to examine the post-devolution Scottish Conservative Party. It finds that while the
Scottish Conservatives did adapt organisationally to the external shock of devolution,
they spent the following decade trying to repeat the same pre-1997 political strategy.
Contrary to some assumptions in the literature about sub-state party demands for
autonomy, the Scottish party in fact had more autonomy than it wanted or needed.
This chapter finds overall that the potential for party change beyond constitutions
This last chapter turns its attention away from the past and into the future. It offers some reflections on Scotland’s place in the European Union in the post-devolution period and the likely influence that the European dimension will continue to have on the issue of Scottish independence. It argues that the European dimension will continue to be very important for Scotland but that some of the exaggerated expectations about devolution’s ability to provide a quantum leap in Scotland’s relations with the EU have been and are likely to
party change and the sub-state
Conservative Party that have run through this book. It begins with conclusions
about the Conservative Party itself. It then considers what this case suggests about
the wider study of multi-level party politics.
A tale of two parties
The Welsh and Scottish Conservative parties both faced similar challenges in different contexts in 1997. The Welsh Conservatives were able, despite their lack
of formal autonomy, to more successfully manage four central post-devolution
challenges: being a statewide party in a sub-state context; finding a
inside the National Assembly we discover
members’ frustration with the operation of the institution. The evolution of
Welsh devolution away from ‘all-inclusive politics’ to polity building is charted, and the different ways in which the Assembly can make a difference in
policy terms are explored, with discussion of relationships between the
National Assembly and its semi-autonomous public bodies. The role of the
civil service is investigated, as are the party system and financial arrangements
in post-devolution Wales. The chapter concludes with a comment on the
surely now be
sensed, in our post-devolution present, is that Welshness and its
concerns throbs with a powerful, if occluded, pulse in the vasty deep of
these plays’, and ‘its muffled beat invades and disrupts
the steps by which they march’: Hawkes’s Derridean agenda,
he states in Shakespeare in the Present , has been to deconstruct
the plays to show that ‘There never was a static, unified clearly
This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
led to the return of not a single Conservative MP outside
England at the 1997 general election. The party then suffered the additional trauma
of dealing with the implementation of the devolved territorial governments that it
had long campaigned against, and which seemed inimical to its conception of unionism. The sub-state Welsh and Scottish branches of the statewide UK Conservative
Party both embarked on post-devolution life with a difficult inheritance.
However, the puzzle at the heart of this book concerns their seemingly contrasting fortunes since then. While
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
institutions. However, the
change in mythology has been greater than institutional change. This may prove
an important dynamic.
What kind of constitution does the UK have post-devolution?
The establishment of devolved government constitutes a critical juncture
in UK constitutional history. The nature of the significant change with
distinct legacies can be explained by focusing on a number of key questions. In his polemic against devolution, Dicey asked three questions
about Gladstone’s 1886 Home Rule Bill:
is sovereignty of Parliament preserved?
does the home