The recent emergence of global anti-capitalist and anti-war movements have created a space within which Marxism can flourish in a way as it has not been able to for a generation. This book shows that by disassociating Marxism from the legacy of Stalinism, Marxist historiography need not retreat before the criticisms from theorists and historians. It also shows that, once rid of this incubus, Marx's theory of history can be shown to be sophisticated, powerful and vibrant. The book argues that Marxism offers a unique basis to carry out a historical research, one that differentiates it from the twin failures of the traditional empiricist and the post-modernist approaches to historiography. It outlines Marx and Engels' theory of history and some of their attempts to actualise that approach in their historical studies. The book also offers a critical survey of debates on the application of Marx's concepts of 'mode of production' and 'relations of production' in an attempt to periodise history. Marxist debates on the perennial issue of structure and agency are considered in the book. Finally, the book discusses competing Marxist attempts to periodise the contemporary post-modern conjuncture, paying attention to the suggestion that the post-modern world is one that is characterised by the defeat of the socialist alternative to capitalism.
left had experienced a profound political defeat, which had begun
in the 1970s and deepened through the 1980s. In particular, he stressed the
significance of the collapse of Communism and the abandoning of the
reformist impulse by Western social-democratic parties. Together, Anderson
concluded, these changes suggested that ‘capitalism as a whole [had] entered
a new historical phase’.19
So while modernism was a world of ‘sharp demarcations’, in the postmodern era ‘what moves is only the market’.20 Not that Anderson believed
that the post-modernworld was without
Madchester may have been born at the Haçienda in the summer of 1988, but the city had been in creative ferment for almost a decade prior to the rise of Acid House. The End-of-the-Century Party is the definitive account of a generational shift in popular music and youth culture, what it meant and what it led to. First published right after the Second Summer of Love, it tells the story of the transition from New Pop to the Political Pop of the mid-1980s and its deviant offspring, Post-Political Pop. Resisting contemporary proclamations about the end of youth culture and the rise of a new, right-leaning conformism, the book draws on interviews with DJs, record company bosses, musicians, producers and fans to outline a clear transition in pop thinking, a move from an obsession with style, packaging and synthetic sounds to content, socially conscious lyrics and a new authenticity. This edition is framed by a prologue by Tara Brabazon, which asks how we can reclaim the spirit, energy and authenticity of Madchester for a post-youth, post-pop generation. It is illustrated with iconic photographs by Kevin Cummins.
, transformed or discredited the idea of
international friendship; whether friendship is a discriminatory institution and
whether the rhetoric of friendship among many without foundations, as sought
in Jacques Derrida’s Politics of Friendship (1997), would be meaningful in the
realm of international politics; and whether friendship was instrumental only
in installing various institutions of the modern international system, whereas its
role in ‘post-modern’ world politics may be circumscribed. Finally, this study
does not claim that the understanding of
Extending the critique of Bauman’s first exposition of postmodernity and postmodernism
even earlier, in 1917, in Rudolf Pannwitz’s Nietzschean
book on what he perceived as a crisis in European culture, and then
was used in Arnold Toynbee’s A Study of History in 1947 (Best and
Kellner 1991: 5–6), being thence picked up by the cultural critic
Bernard Rosenberg in a 1957 publication on mass culture. In the
same year, the term ‘postmodern’ was used by the economist Peter
Drucker, who gave the sub-title ‘A Report on the New Post-ModernWorld’ to his book The Landmarks of Tomorrow, which identified
RATTANSI 9781526105875 PRINT.indd 117
and Hitchcock, 1947).
4 For a full account of Olson’s exchanges with Pound during this period see
Catherine Seelye (ed.), Charles Olson and Ezra Pound: An Encounter at St
Elizabeths (New York: Grossman/Viking, 1975).
5 Allen refers to Olson’s letter in his ‘Afterword’ to the 1999 edition of the
anthology: Donald Allen (ed.), The New American Poetry, 1945–1960
(Berkeley & London: University of California Press, 1999).
6 Olson first used the term, referring to the ‘post-modernworld’, in a letter
to Creeley dated 9 August 1951.
7 All definitions given here
: Incest in Ireland, 1880–1950’, in Power in History: from Medieval
Ireland to the Post-ModernWorld, Historical Studies XXVII (Irish Academic
8 The Lancet, 1885.
9 Report of the Departmental Committee into the Housing Conditions of the
Working Classes in the City of Dublin (CD 7273), Parliamentary Papers,
vol. 19 (1914). See also Christiaan Corlett, Darkest Dublin: The Story of the
Church Street Disaster and a Pictorial Account of the slums of Dublin in 1913
(Wordwell Books, 2008).
Incest and immorality
10 V. Bailey and S. Blackburn, ‘The
others.36 In addition, Nietzsche
himself was deformed, his view of the possibility of ‘man’ becoming ‘superman’ changed into the need for Germans to achieve their unique historical
destiny. He has been blamed by many in the past fifty years for an
encouragement of the ‘will to power’ of Germans such as Adolf Hitler. He is
now trundled out to prove that epistemological anarchy is the only possible
answer to a post-modernworld. The problem is surely not one of blaming
philosophers such as Nietzsche for our deformed historical memory, but one
of an essentially
Islam since their borders are not congruent with the Arab or Islamic communities, and adherence to Arabism may sacrifice state interests; yet they cannot fully rely on state identities which lack sufficient credibility (Anderson 1991: 72). They may try to overcome this dilemma by ‘statising’ a supra-state identity as the official state ideology, as when Ba’thist Syria claims to be the special champion of Arabism or Saudi Arabia of Islam.
While the multitude of identities from which citizens can choose seems compatible with a post-modernworld
power between autonomous states, cannot
contain new threats because it buys internal stability at the cost of international anarchy: its view on the world is essentially amoral (Ibid: 8). This
loss of control can be countered best by a post-modern form of pooled sovereignty which would establish a ‘post-modern peace’. ‘In the post-modernworld, raison d’état and the amorality of Machiavelli’s theories of statecraft
have been replaced by a moral consciousness that applies to international
relations as well as to domestic affairs’ (Ibid: 31).
Cooper’s description is a