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The history of relief work is in its infancy. This book draws on new archival research to reveal the priorities of nineteenth-century relief workers, and the legacies of their preoccupations for relief work today. It first explores the inauguration of the British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War (NAS) at the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870 under the figurehead of Loyd Lindsay. Then, the book sees the revival of the NAS for work in the Balkans during a period of nationalist violence and Ottoman counter-insurgency which culminated in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. It also follows the staff of relief committees as they dispensed aid in British colonial wars. The book examines the critiques of British policy in the Boer War (1899-1902) emanating from intersecting circles of Quakers, New Liberals and ethicists, and considers these groups' offer of aid to Boer civilians. Further, the book concentrates on the methodologies of relief for Boer inmates of British concentration camps in South Africa and on the implications of this relief for its intended recipients during and after the war. It concentrates on aid to British soldiers. The book closes by tracing continuities in vocational practices and dispositions to emerging areas of concern in the post-war period, in particular child welfare, and briefly considers their implication for relief work today.
The Portuguese Revolution of 1974-1975 was a critical juncture in the second half of the European twentieth century. It was the first in a series of authoritarian collapses that would bring the whole of western and central Europe into liberal democracy, and the so-called Revolution of the Carnations was also many other things. This book is the first in-depth study of the widest urban movement of the European post-war period, an event that shook the balance of Cold War politics by threatening the possibility of revolution in Western Europe. The Socialist Party (PS) and the Popular Democratic Party (PPD) set about dismantling the idea that there had popular movement embodying the possibility of different society. A significant policy shift in the field of housing lay the foundations for a change in the relations and meanings of urban citizenship. Popular mobilisation over the summer and autumn of 1974 was key in undermining a project of limited liberalisation and strengthening the hand of those in Armed Forces Movement (MFA) and civilian parties. After the April 1975 elections, the conflicting claims between revolutionary and electoral legitimacy, between the street and the ballot box, created an increasingly polarised atmosphere, and claims of imminent coups and plots were discussed. The Lisbon urban social movement did not disappear on 25 November 1975. Exploring the origins, trajectory and demise of the urban movement in Lisbon has been a way to question and revisit the role of popular collective actors in Portugal's revolution and transition to democracy.
Far from a trivial topic, the post-war train spotting craze swept most boys and some girls into a passion for railways, and for many, ignited a lifetime's interest. This book traces this post-war cohort, and those which followed, as they invigorated different sectors in the world of railway enthusiasm. Today Britain's now-huge preserved railway industry finds itself driven by tensions between preserving a loved past which ever fewer people can remember and earning money from tourist visitors. It was Hamilton Ellis and Philip Unwin who were the joint pioneers of the 'Railway Book Mania' which ran from 1947 to the dwindling of popular and mid-depth railway history writing in the 1970s. British railway enthusiasts suffer from an image problem. Standing forlorn on station platforms, train spotters are butts for every stand-up comic's jokes. Like some other collectors, train spotters collect ephemera: locomotive numbers are signs unconnected to any marketable commodity. Train spotting had its own rich culture. As British railways declined from their Edwardian peak, enthusiasts' structure of feeling shifted steadily from celebrating novelty to mourning loss. Always a good hater as well as a skilled engineer, more than seventy years ago Curly Lawrence identified issues which still bounce around modelling sections of the British railway fancy. The book discusses toy trains, model engineering and railway modelling. British railway enthusiasm remains a remarkably varied activity today, articulated through attachment (of whatever kind) to prototype railways' life-world.
the Swedish welfare state. The expansion of public responsibility for social security that took place in the post-war period was based on the notion of security and social citizenship as the foundation for an efficient society, and indeed as a prerequisite for future economic growth. However, as the SAP embarked on its ‘third way’ in the late 1970s and early 1980s, its understanding of social policy as a
thus opens up the possibility that multiple versions or discourses of gender can co-exist in a given historical moment, enabling historical actors to draw on and perform different identities in different locations and times.5 Employing this model of gender – and sexuality – as performative, this book will trace a range of gender and sexual identity models current in Britain in the post-war period, and explore the opportunities offered by specific discourses and spaces for individual women to perform distinct gendered and sexual identities. A range of definitions of
wartime organisations, but the key element that he identified as significant was less institutional, and more to do with a wartime shift in attitudes and social experience. His own proposal was that social clubs and adult education after the war might enable the spirit of civil defence to live on, perpetuating this sort of active citizenship and the satisfaction that people felt in being able to make an active contribution to their community. Planning neighbourliness In the post-war period, neighbourliness seemed in some ways to become embedded in ideas of
he is sempre di scena [always at centre stage].10 The aim here is to explore this phenomenon by reference to three themes. First, the formation of conservative public opinion in the first decade and a half following the war will be considered. Second, attention will be paid to the place of Mussolini in the star system of the post-war period. Thirdly, consideration will be given to the presence of Mussolini in popular culture. Mussolini in popular memory Serious historical treatment of the Fascist period began in Italy in the 1960s with the appearance of the first
, including education, leisure and consumption), on the other. In turn, these new norms informed and influenced the regulation of work and rest. With a particular focus on post-war civil aviation, this chapter outlines how and why airline schedules were regulated in the post-war period. Though there were some attempts to harmonise regulations across Europe from the 1990s, full integration of flight time limitations in Europe by the European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA) only came to pass in February 2016. 15
of development, been a vibrant source of ideas, it had, he argued, struggled to maintain its relevance in the post-war world. Hoggart did not attribute this to any lack of ambition on behalf of the publisher but to the social and political climate of the period. ‘Intellectually,’ he wrote, ‘the fifties have been a cloudy period.’ 1 When we explore Penguin’s engagement with the intellectual politics of the immediate post-war period, it is possible to discern some of the reasons why Hoggart might have arrived at such a reading of Penguin’s post-war history. In a
? The labour movement’s type of demands and actions during the post-war period was largely a continuation of the existing state of affairs before and during the war. What is often perceived as a decrease after the civil war was merely exacerbated by state intervention and co-optation, the influence of political parties and the effects of liberal economic policies, which had already been in place since independence. The result was a divided movement, and an overall cautious and moderate attitude and actions towards the