When originally published in 1972 this book – chiefly thematic in approach and based on the author’s doctoral thesis - was hailed as the first regional study and micro analysis of the development of English Puritanism to appear in print. Leading scholars like Patrick Collinson welcomed its appearance. Internal contrasts within the huge, sprawling diocese of Chester and its large parishes are drawn out as are comparisons with the religious situation in other parts of the country. The ways in which, for much of the period under review, Puritanism in this region was actively supported, and not persecuted, by the authorities is a key distinctive feature which receives careful attention. So do the activism of puritan laity and gender dynamics. Puritan clergy provide only part of the story which is documented in these pages though often it is most conspicuous (not least because clergy tend to be the principal narrators). There is much here on women’s distinctive roles and contributions within households and congregations and as patrons. Analysis is offered of the reading habits of puritan clergy and laymen as a major example of the ways in which puritans in this region were closely connected with the wider world. Contributions made to Puritanism in this diocese by clergy from outside it are also assessed. The ways in which individual and corporate patronage was brought to bear in favour of Puritanism receives a whole chapter of its own. Tensions and conflicts between puritans and Roman Catholics in the North West are carefully reviewed in what was in effect a frontier region.
provided teachers, preachers and prayer leaders to help survivors overcome long-term post-traumatic shock (Rokib 2012 ). In its scale and experience the Muhammadiyah should be better known globally as a model for Islamic social activism. 11 The strength of the Muhammadiyah and that of its slightly larger sister organization, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), are unique in the Islamic world
about whom no rumours of Catholic leanings had circulated. While firmly Calvinist in his theology, he was fully conformist in matters of worship and church government. He promoted a balanced ministry of preaching and prayer, and he was noted for preaching weekly in the churches of his diocese. 49 This reputation ‘for Calvinist orthodoxy, moral rectitude, and strident anti-Catholicism’ 50 rendered
English clergy was also defined by circumstances. Before the Reformation the clergy formed an estate of the realm (the others being the nobility and the remainder of lay society) whose members dedicated their lives to God but followed a number of occupations. There were both regular and secular clergy (monks and friars; parish clergy); there were clerks and teachers, scholars and lawyers, civil servants and politicians, preachers and prayers, pastors and priests. With the dissolution of the monasteries, the entire regular clergy were swept away. Monarchy and laity
, either outdoors or in tents, with individual sessions sometimes lasting all night. Apart from preaching and prayer, there was music and food. Conversions were public, often accompanied by bodily contortions and strange noises, making the meetings rowdy public spectacles. Their democratic atmosphere encouraged all to speak, including women.127 Bourne became determined to hold a camp meeting in England, especially after he met someone who had direct experience of frontier preaching and camp meetings, the charismatic American preacher Lorenzo Dow. Dow had intended to be a
add many words of his own, almost to every prayer, never to read full service, to leave out the Te Deum and Benedictus, etc, and always to sing two psalms for them; to alter, add and omit according to his fancy . . . 71 2 Preaching and prayer Some of the presentments involving deviations from the prescribed order of service