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The changing face of European policy making under Blair and Ahern
Author: Scott James

As two of the longest-serving prime ministers in Europe, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern were in power during one of the most tumultuous periods of European integration. This book offers an insight into how they responded to the demands and opportunities of European Union (EU) membership at the national level. Drawing on extensive interviews with key figures, it explores how the two leaders sought to radically reshape the EU national policy-making process in the UK and Ireland in order to further their strategic policy agendas. The book therefore asks three key questions. How did the national EU policy process change between 1997 and 2007? To what extent did the UK and Irish policy processes converge or diverge? Did the reforms enhance the projection of national policy? These empirical and comparative questions are related to broader theoretical and conceptual debates concerning Europeanisation. By employing conceptual and analytical frameworks, the book considers what these reforms tell us about the nature of the ‘EU effect’ in different member states. Do governments simply adjust to EU-level pressures for change or try to adapt strategically in order to maximise their influence? Are the changes attributable to political agency or do they derive from longer-term structural developments in Brussels?

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

prime minister during the government of [President Jacques] Chirac. Villepin is a republican in the French sense, a democrat, but he isn’t a man of the Left. He recently said to me, ‘The world misses Brazil,’ because Brazil was bringing a soft power that isn’t only for its own benefit. As soon as we put our house in order… sure, it is clear that we need to stop cutting down the Amazon, stop killing indigenous people, which still happens, even if less than twenty years ago… but if we put our house in order, relatively, in social terms primarily, we

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

example, international norms about the slave trade and aspects of empire were agreed by major states. 3 UK prime minister Theresa May recently called global elites citizens not of the world but of ‘nowhere’ ( Merrick, 2017 ). Bibliography Barnett , M. ( 2011 ), Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ). Barry , B. ( 1990 ), ‘ How Not to Defend Liberal Institutions ’, British Journal of Political Science , 20 : 1 , 1 – 14 . BBC ( 2018a ), ‘ Oxfam Haiti

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Parliamentary, presidential or prime ministerial?
David Arter

). The head of state no longer possesses ‘quite significant powers’ (Duverger 1980); rather, the new constitution has elevated the role of the prime minister. Since the recent Scandinavian political science literature has pointed to the growing importance of the office of the prime minister, the final section of the chapter examines whether a fundamental convergence across the region has witnessed the emergence of prime minister-dominant parliamentary executives. ‘Executive–legislative balance’ and ‘executive dominant’ systems A striking feature of the political

in Scandinavian politics today
Stephen Benedict Dyson

human personality into more ordered categorizations that can be used to understand and predict the behaviours of prominent individuals. In the second part of this chapter, I apply these techniques directly 26 THE BLAIR IDENTITY to Tony Blair through analysis of every answer he has given to a foreign affairs-related question in the House of Commons throughout his decade in office. I show that Blair has a distinctive style and worldview in relation to both the average world leader and his predecessors in the office of British prime minister. I check the accuracy of

in The Blair identity
Peter D.G. Thomas

Chap 10 19/8/02 11:49 am Page 219 10 George III, Lord North and the defeat of ‘faction’ (1770) The political contest at the beginning of 1770 marked the culmination of the events of the first decade of George III’s reign. The King’s opponents pitted the power of the House of Commons against that of the Crown, but circumstances tipped the balance in favour of the monarchy. The success of Lord North enabled George III to defy ‘faction’ and make good his royal claim to have a Prime Minister of his own choice. When Parliament met on 9 January neither the eve

in George III
The Stamp Act Crisis
Peter D.G. Thomas

Lord Lyttelton, but it helps to explain the widespread contemporary opinion that the new ministry would be short-lived. Inexperience and a perceived lack of ability; Pitt’s indifference; Bute’s reputed influence; the indignant hostility of the displaced Grenville and Bedford factions: none of this boded well for the new administration. Prime Minister Rockingham, devoid of administrative experience, had seemingly been promoted above the level of his ability. But his charm and integrity made him a good team leader, and he was to remain head of his party until his death

in George III
Political re-alignments
Peter D.G. Thomas

in March.3 North’s debating and administrative skills were already so apparent that he had recently sometimes attended cabinet, even though he only held the post of Joint Paymaster General. He was to surpass expectations by creating the permanent administration George III had been seeking since 1760. North became the main prop of government: for nearly fifteen years he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Commons Leader, replacing Conway at the beginning of 1768; and Prime Minister for over twelve years from January 1770. In 1767, however, that development lay in

in George III
The Ministerial Code
David Hine and Gillian Peele

trade-off where the risk of conflict of interest has to be balanced against restrictions so tight that they might deter many talented individuals from public service altogether. Ethics for ministers: partisan gain and private gain Judged by the rate of forced resignations or of controversies almost leading to a resignation, there is little doubt that the behaviour of ministers has become more controversial in the last two decades than under earlier post-war prime ministers. No prime minister until John Major suffered more than two forced resignations. Since 1990 there

in The regulation of standards in British public life
Costas Simitis

17 Political games with unpredictable consequences Immediately upon his return from Brussels on 31 October, the Prime Minister announced his decision to the PASOK parliamentary group to hold a referendum over the agreement of 26 October. He did not specify with any precision what the terms of the referendum would be, but he said that all Greeks should decide on whether to accept the decisions of the summit. In the Cabinet meeting held the next day, he indicated what was at stake with this vote: ‘yes or no to the deal, yes or no to Europe, yes or no to the euro

in The European debt crisis