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4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 115 6 Privatisation: liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies related commodity governance schemes are meant to bring economic gains for individuals, groups and the state in a fair and neutral way, diminishing the possibility that economic resources will become a source of violent contestation. Ultimately, the transformation of war economies requires that assets, whether they be tangible (such as diamonds) or opportunities (in the form of business prospects), be transparently and
globalisation and technological changes, combined with the neo-liberal policies of national governments, both conservative and progressive, have created a transnational wave of privatisation. Political and legal resistance at a national level seems to be powerless against this overwhelming movement. The crucial question seems to be: After privatisation, what now? What will market mechanisms do to the public
1 Privatisation and the death of public housing In the emotional aftermath of the Grenfell Tower fire, some commentators from across the political spectrum were quick to paint the disaster as the ultimate failure of post-war public housing rather than a result of decades of neoliberal policies promoting private greed over safety. Simon Jenkins of the Guardian saw in Grenfell a salutary reminder of the more general failure of high-rise housing: ‘How many times should we say it? Don’t build residential towers…. They are antisocial, high
. 2013a ). Under state ownership by the early 1990s the British rail network already had lower operating costs than mainland peers; the increase in passenger numbers since privatisation owes more to GDP growth and London house prices than rail company marketing; capital investment in the privatised system was effectively state financed, and the resulting debt of more than £40 billion now sits on the government's balance sheet. But it is also necessary to produce a broader narrative, which goes beyond refuting trade claims
During the Spanish Civil War, extrajudicial executions and disappearances of political opponents took place and their corpses were buried in unregistered mass graves. The absence of an official policy by successive democratic governments aimed at the investigation of these cases, the identification and exhumation of mass graves, together with legal obstacles, have prevented the victims families from obtaining reparation, locating and recovering the human remains. This paper argues that this state of affairs is incompatible with international human rights law and Spain should actively engage in the search for the whereabouts and identification of the bodies with all the available resources.
James Robertson‘s well-deserved reputation as a historical novelist has obscured the role that the Gothic plays in his work. Manifesting itself in distinctively Scottish fashion, Robertson‘s Gothicism is tied to the ‘broader national culture’ in general and to post-devolutionary Scotland in particular. Not only does his transformation of the Gothic into the historical novels uncanny other resist the modern novels tendency towards increasing privatisation. It also results in work that diverges from much post-devolutionary Scottish fiction in that his stories and novels are, by virtue of the density of their Scottishness, deeply connected to the local and to folk culture.
healthcare system. More broadly the fragmentation of the care-homes set-up, combined with years of neglect, privatisation and underinvestment in social services, helps explain the situation MSF found in the first months of the pandemic. This dysfunctional system led to care home residents ‘falling through the cracks’. Rights of Older People Forgotten In long-term care facilities, residents struggled with not being able to
’s #DignityIsPriceless campaign, a series of increased risks are thus being borne by Palestinian UNRWA staff whose employment rights are being undermined both by financial cuts and operational changes. Furthermore, a second related way that ‘self-reliance’ is pertinent to this analysis emerges through the application of an additional lens: the private–public framework. I use this lens and what I denominate a process of ‘privatisation’ to denote the ways that operational changes are increasingly rendering Palestinians responsible for the provision of
changing the architectural footprint of aid installations – the ‘bunkerisation’ of aid compounds and operations, evidenced by high walls, razor wire and armed guards ( Duffield, 2012 ; Neuman and Weissman, 2016 ; Weigand and Andersson, 2019 ). Securitisation is also evident in the professionalisation and privatisation of security staff in the aid sector ( Chisholm, 2017 ; Beerli and Weissman, 2016 ). The sociopolitical and economic drivers that might
first review the latter’s greatest achievement. Global Precarity A characteristic of late-modernity, at least in relation to the global North, 3 is what Nikolas Rose has called the ‘death of the social’ ( Rose, 1996 ). This demise is usually equated with the roll-back of the welfare state. Originally meant as a collective insurance-based shield against market forces, since the 1980s the welfare state has been residualised through means-testing, privatisation, cuts and the politics of austerity. Companies and businesses, however