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Professional politicians and regional institutions in Catalonia and Scotland
Series: Devolution
Author: Klaus Stolz

Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.

Alastair J. Reid

their political practice it becomes clear that they were far from being passive observers of the actions of professional politicians. On the contrary, these trade unionists had a distinctive, positive and active political identity, and they were closely involved in all the turning points in national labour politics. A full account of the behaviour of craft union leaders at key moments, and the pattern of thinking which lay behind it, therefore becomes vital for a proper understanding of the development of the early Labour Party. In the last decade of the nineteenth

in The tide of democracy
Alastair J. Reid

top priorities a democratic foreign policy and an ambitious programme of land reform. Far from watching passively from the sidelines until it was time to rubber-stamp the decisions of the party’s professional politicians, trade unionists, above all those from the craft sectors, were actively involved in the formulation and promotion of these policies. However, while they 9780719081033_2_C14.qxd 1/20/10 9:09 Page 327 John Hill and an independent Labour Party 327 may not have derived from a socialist commitment, their familiar characterisation as ‘right

in The tide of democracy
Klaus Stolz

opened in Scotland. Again, this regionalisation process had not been initiated by professional politicians desperate to create new job opportunities for themselves, but by a broad self-government movement determined to resolve what they perceived as a severe democratic deficit. In addition to providing additional means of representation and participation, the establishment of the Scottish Parliament was heralded as a radical break with the Westminster tradition of democracy. It was to be inspired by a ‘new politics’. Significantly though, the parliament was opened by a

in Towards a regional political class?
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Traces of a regional political class in Catalonia and Scotland
Klaus Stolz

barrier in this respect. In addition, the integration of Catalan professional politicians into a Spanish-wide career arena was perforating its boundaries vis-à-vis the Spanish political class. Thus, existing Spanish orientations of Catalan politicians (especially within the PP and the PSC), whether ideologically motivated or career driven, were also defining clear limits to a Catalan political class acting to further Catalan autonomy. The most obvious case in point was the support of the PSC Congress members for the centralising LOAPA legislation of the Spanish socialist

in Towards a regional political class?
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state
Author: Shivdeep Grewal

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

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Queer theory, literature and the politics of sameness
Author: Ben Nichols

In its contributions to the study of material social differences, queer theoretical writing has mostly assumed that any ideas which embody 'difference' are valuable. More than this, where it is invoked in contemporary theory, queerness is often imagined as synonymous with difference itself. This book uncovers an alternative history in queer cultural representation. Through engagement with works from a range of queer literary genres from across the long twentieth century – fin-de-siècle aestheticism, feminist speculative fiction, lesbian middle-brow writing, and the tradition of the stud file – the book elucidates a number of formal and thematic attachments to ideas that have been denigrated in queer theory for their embodiment of sameness: uselessness, normativity, reproduction and reductionism. Exploring attachments to these ideas in queer culture is also the occasion for a broader theoretical intervention: Same Old suggests, counterintuitively, that the aversion they inspire may be of a piece with how homosexuality has been denigrated in the modern West as a misguided orientation towards sameness. Combining queer cultural and literary history, sensitive close readings and detailed genealogies of theoretical concepts, Same Old encourages a fundamental rethinking of some of the defining positions in queer thought.

A regional political class for itself
Klaus Stolz

assume that such an influence actually exists is not to invoke the invisible hand of pure functionalism. By implying that those professional politicians who populate the regional arena do also have a common interest in shaping the institutional structures that regulate the way in which they pursue their profession, the theory of the political class is introducing a collective actor potentially driving such a process. In the following, it will be asked, whether these politicians have actually attempted to re-form their institutions according to their own professional

in Towards a regional political class?
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Philip Norton

members who were not professional politicians, had experience in a range of different walks of life, and had the knowledge and skills necessary for the House to discharge effectively its roles in relation to human rights and constitutional affairs. The reformed second chamber, it said, ‘should continue to include people who can help it to maintain a philosophical, moral and spiritual perspective on public policy issues’ (Royal Commission on the Reform of the House of Lords 2000 : 101). It recommended against a wholly elected chamber: ‘Putting it bluntly but accurately

in Reform of the House of Lords
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The making of a regional political class in itself
Klaus Stolz

3 Political careers: the making of a regional political class in itself In the first part of the empirical analysis the focus is on the political class as a dependent variable and remains restricted to its structural dimension as a class ‘in itself’. It is asked whether the concurrent processes of regionalisation and political professionalisation in Catalonia and Scotland have led to the emergence of a regional political class as constituted by the existence of professional politicians (functional differentiation) with a common regional career orientation

in Towards a regional political class?