Historians of the First World War often seem to have a very clear idea of who middle-class men were and how they reacted to the outbreak of the conflict. This book explores the experiences of middle-class men on the English home front during the First World War. It first focuses on the first twelve months or so of war, a period when many middle-class men assumed that the war could hardly fail to affect them. The book then delves deeper into middle-class men's understandings of civilians' appropriate behaviour in wartime. It explores middle-class men's reasons for not conforming to dominant norms of manly conduct by enlisting, and considers individuals' experiences of 'non-enlistment'. It also focuses on middle-class men's involvement in volunteer activities on the home front. The book also focuses on middle-class men's working lives, paying particular attention to those aspects of work that were most affected by the war. It considers civilian men's responses to the new ambivalence towards profit-making, as well as to the doubts cast on the 'value' of much middle-class, whitecollar work in wartime. The book further assesses the ways in which middle-class men negotiated their roles as wartime consumers and explores the impact of war on middle-class relationships. It considers the nature of wartime links between civilians and servicemen, as well as the role of the paterfamilias within the middle-class family, before turning to focus on the relationship between civilian fathers and combatant sons.
Debates Surrounding Ebola Vaccine Trials in Eastern Democratic Republic of
Myfanwy James, Joseph Grace Kasereka, and Shelley Lees
specific critiques of the trial but part of a broader expression
of frustration with governance in DRC.
This second Ebola trial also sparked debate about whose interests were behind vaccine
trials. In 2019, the political context in Kinshasa and controversies surrounding the
Ebola response were central to debates about the trial. In 2020, however, global
controversy about COVID-19 vaccines reignited critiques of profit-making in global
health and exploitation of Africans as
Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial
Annika Bergman Rosamond and Catia Gregoratti
The RefuSHE initiative is a non-profit-making organisation with headquarters in
Chicago. Its humanitarianism evolves around the protection and empowerment of
women refugees through education and work. The American RefuSHE co-founder Anne
Sweeney notes that the initiative ‘was born, to offer an innovative
solution within the global refugee crisis, or a one-of-a-kind model for
protection, empowerment, and peace-building in Kenya and beyond’ ( Rigou, 2018 ). The women
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus
treachery. Here we
discuss what was involved in our research relationships, from those between
ourselves as academic activists and ‘resisting others’ (Autonomous
Geographies Collective, 2010 :
248) to our work with an established, profit-making research company, which we
subsequently found also carried out work for the Home Office.
We will try to describe as best we can what we did to deal with
conflicting pressures and
Introduction: corporate ecocide
The world’s first known corporation was a Swedish
mining company called Stora Kopparberg. The founding certificate of the company, dated 1288, is the earliest
documented evidence of a profit-making corporation.
It was established by German merchants as a means
of investing in a copper mine in the town of Falun and
it was a roaring success. In the seventeenth century,
two thirds of European copper production took place
in Falun, and the mine remained an important site for
copper production until it closed in the 1990s. The
→ capture socially produced values ‘on the move’. They try to control social processes of valorisation and distributed symbolic production. The main mode of profitmaking is crowdsourcing: attracting communities of users who do unpaid work. They pollinate portals, web pages, blogs and search engines, creating values harvested by their owners and administrators. Negri and Hardt expand on this argument, while discussing the dispersed labour of the multitudes that generates the common, subsequently extracted by capitalist businesses in search of profit (Hardt and Negri
This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.
economic system. While not necessarily mutually exclusive, it is
helpful to distinguish them analytically. These forms of inequality/distance
include: 1) the growing inequality in the profit-making capacities of different economic sectors and in the earnings capacities of different types of
workers and households; 2) socio-economic polarisation tendencies resulting from the organisation of service industries and from the casualisation
of the employment relation; and 3) the production of urban marginality,
Citizenship and migration
articularly as a result of new
This book explores contemporary urban experiences connected to practices of sharing and collaboration. Part of a growing discussion on the cultural meaning and the politics of urban commons, it uses examples from Europe and Latin America to support the view that a world of mutual support and urban solidarity is emerging today in, against, and beyond existing societies of inequality. In such a world, people experience the potentialities of emancipation activated by concrete forms of space commoning. By focusing on concrete collective experiences of urban space appropriation and participatory design experiments this book traces differing, but potentially compatible, trajectories through which common space (or space-as-commons) becomes an important factor in social change. In the everydayness of self-organized neighborhoods, in the struggles for justice in occupied public spaces, in the emergence of “territories in resistance,” and in dissident artistic practices of collaborative creation, collective inventiveness produces fragments of an emancipated society.
Over more than thirty years of reform and opening, the Chinese Communist Party has pursued the gradual marketization of China’s economy alongside the preservation of a resiliently authoritarian political system, defying long-standing predictions that ‘transition’ to a market economy would catalyse deeper political transformation. In an era of deepening synergy between authoritarian politics and finance capitalism, Communists constructing capitalism offers a novel and important perspective on this central dilemma of contemporary Chinese development. This book challenges existing state–market paradigms of political economy and reveals the Eurocentric assumptions of liberal scepticism towards Chinese authoritarian resilience. It works with an alternative conceptual vocabulary for analysing the political economy of financial development as both the management and exploitation of socio-economic uncertainty. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork and over sixty interviews with policymakers, bankers, and former party and state officials, the book delves into the role of China’s state-owned banking system since 1989. It shows how political control over capital has been central to China’s experience of capitalist development, enabling both rapid economic growth whilst preserving macroeconomic and political stability. Communists constructing capitalism will be of academic interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of Chinese studies, social studies of finance, and international and comparative political economy. Beyond academia, it will be essential reading for anyone interested in the evolution of Chinese capitalism and its implications for an increasingly central issue in contemporary global politics: the financial foundations of illiberal capitalism.