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Deborah Wilson

M1524 - WILSON TEXT.qxp:Graham Q7 25/9/08 12:18 Page 127 5 Married women and property Before the introduction of the Married Women’s Property Acts in 1870 and 1882, a married woman’s income was either arranged by the settlement of her separate property in equity or subject to the goodwill of her husband.1 The married woman’s experience of property was therefore, to an extent, arbitrary: some women had access to substantial incomes from separate property arrangements, while other women were dependent on their husbands for income during marriage. In addition

in Women, marriage and property in wealthy landed families in Ireland, 1750–1850
Deborah Wilson

M1524 - WILSON TEXT.qxp:Graham Q7 25/9/08 12:18 Page 110 4 Single women and property Legally, both widows and single women were femes soles and had the right to own and control their own property, make contracts, sue and be sued. However, as a history of single women in early modern England has noted, modern historians of women have neglected the fact that ‘although a single woman and a widow were both unmarried women, people in early modern England did not think of these two groups of women in the same way’.1 The term ‘spinster’ carried negative

in Women, marriage and property in wealthy landed families in Ireland, 1750–1850
Abstract only
Deborah Wilson

M1524 - WILSON TEXT.qxp:Graham Q7 25/9/08 12:18 Page 154 6 Widows and property Widows were discernably marginalised from family property at this time. Throughout the period, all women in the families in this study received jointure in place of dower, which in most cases was significantly less than the widow would have received as dower. Widows also had no rights to their husbands’ personal property, which tended to be treated as an extension of estate property and bequeathed as such to the heir. Family practices, such as the use of trustees, further

in Women, marriage and property in wealthy landed families in Ireland, 1750–1850
Value and fantasy in Hollinghurst’s house of fiction
Geoff Gilbert

8 Some properties of fiction: value and fantasy in Hollinghurst’s house of fiction Geoff Gilbert ‘What would I do with the Clerkenwell building?’ said Nick sulkily. ‘You’d own it,’ said Wani. (LB 440) The solid spatial reality of Hollinghurst’s worlds, and the vitality of the buildings and spaces through which his plots unfold, are a source of pleasure. Some accounts have associated this pleasure with the continuity of the world and the durability of traditional forms of fiction – either celebrated as vital truth, or upheld as value against forces of erosion.1 I

in Alan Hollinghurst
Dowry restitution in fifteenth-century Valencia
Dana Wessell Lightfoot

6 The right to property: dowry restitution in fifteenth-century Valencia A s has been demonstrated by the previous chapters, although the Furs gave control of all marital assets to husbands, this property was nevertheless always viewed as belonging to wives. Civil suits of dowry restitution brought by Valencian wives against their still-living husbands are the greatest manifestation of this control which, I will argue, represents the agency of women in protecting their marital property. The Furs recognized that although legally husbands had the right to control

in Women, dowries and agency
June 1835–September 1835
Jill Liddington

J une 1835 With the elections over, Anne Lister returned to day-to-day business affairs. She kept an eye on Joseph Mann as he sunk the tiny Walker pit, inevitably encountering drainage problems. And she also remained vigilant over the Walker property division. Anne had just spent a few days helping Ann Walker write and re-write, copy and re-copy a letter to Captain Sutherland suggesting they ‘should draw for Lots 1 and 2’. M onday 1

in Female Fortune
Elizabeth C. Macknight

22 nobility and patrimony in modern france 1 Protecting property during revolution We have the misfortune to be born at the moment of one of these big revolutions: whatever the happy or unhappy result of it shall be for the people born in future, the present generation is lost.1 ‘Among the many letters I write to you, my dear mother, there must be some that reach you. Finally I can breathe again! Your letter of 25 August [1793] restored me to life. I thought you were ill, God knows what I feared …’2 The twenty-nine-year-old Julie de Théas had not seen her

in Nobility and patrimony in modern France
Why modern African economies are dependent on mineral resources
Keith Breckenridge

Bayly 10_Tonra 01 21/06/2011 10:57 Page 243 10 Special rights in property: why modern African economies are dependent on mineral resources Keith Breckenridge Historians have explained the importance of mining in Africa in many different ways. The most important – and most common – of these has been the speculative rewards offered by the investment markets in London, or, in relation to oil, the global commodity markets. In these accounts, the undeniable attractions of metropolitan profits have motivated and sustained investors, managers and governments in the

in History, historians and development policy
Author: Deborah Wilson

Until recently, women featured in the historiography of the landed class in Ireland either as bearers of assets to advantageous matches or as potential drains on family estates as a result of long widowhoods. Drawing on a range of sources from the papers of landed families, including settlements, wills and personal correspondence, this book challenges established notions and provides fresh insight into the place of these women. It seeks to contribute to existing historiography by looking beyond the dynastic and economic concerns that dominate the current history of the Irish elite. The book looks at women's experiences of property and power in twenty landed families between 1750 and 1850, and outlines the statutory developments that impacted upon the distribution of family property in Ireland. It considers how women were provided for by family settlements and examines the legal, social and familial factors that influenced the experience elite women had of property. Individual examples are employed to demonstrate the similarities and differences between women in this class, and to illustrate how the experience women had of property in this period was more complex than their legal and social status might suggest.

Gavin Edwards

rule Freedom, Equality, Property and Bentham. Freedom, because both buyer and seller of a commodity, say of labour-power, are constrained only by their own free will. They contract as free agents, and the agreement they come to, is but the form in which they give legal expression to their common will. Equality, because each enters into relation with the other, as with a simple owner of commodities, and they exchange equivalent for equivalent. Property, because each disposes only of what is his own. And Bentham, because each looks only to himself. The only force that

in The Case of the Initial Letter