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Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658-1727 makes an important contribution to the ongoing debate over the emergence of an early modern ‘public sphere’. Focusing on the petition-like form of the loyal address, it argues that these texts helped to foster a politically-aware public through mapping shifts in the national ‘mood’. Covering addressing campaigns from the late Cromwellian to the early Georgian period, it explores the production, presentation, subscription and publication of these texts. Through an in-depth examination of the social background of subscribers and the geography of subscription, it argues that addressing activity provided opportunities to develop political coalitions. By exploring the ritual of drafting and presenting an address, it demonstrates how this form was used strategically by both addressers and government. Both the act of subscribing and the act of presenting an address imprinted this activity in both local and national public memory. The memory of addressing activity in turn shaped the understanding of public loyalty. The volume employs corpus analysis techniques to demonstrate how the meaning of loyalty was transformed over the seventeenth and eighteenth-centuries. The shifts in public loyalty, however, did not, as some contemporaries such as Daniel Defoe claimed, make these professions of fidelity meaningless. Instead, Loyalty, memory and public opinion argues for that beneath partisan attacks on addressing lay a broad consensus about the validity of this political practice. Ultimately, loyal addresses acknowledged the existence of a broad ‘political public’ but did so in a way which fundamentally conceded the legitimacy of the social and political hierarchy

5 Divining rods and public opinion At 10:00 p.m. on 5 July 1692 thieves broke into the Lyon wine shop owned by Antoine Boubon Savetier and his wife, bludgeoned them to death with a billhook, and escaped with approximately five hundred livres.1 When the local authorities made no progress on the case a wine dealer from Dauphiné stepped forward and recommended the services of Jacques Aymar, a peasant well known for having solved an equally difficult murder case. With little choice the authorities called on Aymar’s help. He arrived in Lyon, inspected the site of the

in Popular science and public opinion in eighteenth-century France

This book explores the appropriation of science in French society and the development of an urban scientific culture. Science underwent a process of commodification and popularization during the eighteenth century as more and more individuals sought to acquire some knowledge of scientific activities and as more and more people entered public debates on science. Popular science took many forms in the eighteenth century. While books, periodicals, universities, and academies all provided a breadth of scientific popularization at different levels and for different audiences, this book focuses on popular science within urban culture more generally. More than ever before, public lectures and demonstrations, clubs, and other activities arose in the eighteenth century as new opportunities for the general population to gain access to and appropriate science. These arenas for popular science were not restricted to people of a certain education. In fact, popular science, and public lecture courses in particular, was often set at a level that could be understood by pretty much anyone. This was a bone of contention between popularizers and their critics who felt that in some cases popular science lacked any sort of real scientific content. In reality, some popularizers had specific theoretical content in mind for their courses while others were admittedly more interested in theatrics. Identifying the audience, cost, and location of popular science helps reveal its place in urban culture. The book looks at the audience, identified through advertisements and course descriptions, as well as the economics of courses.

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Like in the 1970s, in this latter period too, public opinion closely matched elite opinion though more as regards perceptions of the European Union than in relation to self-government. The sharp turnaround in attitudes towards the EU seen in the case of Labour, the STUC and the SNP and the emergence of a split among the Conservatives was almost exactly mirrored at the mass public level as shown by segmentation by party identification. In contrast, the distribution of constitutional preferences was less closely linked to party

in Between two Unions
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7 Public opinion Fresh home after nineteen months in Ruhleben, I have made it my business to inform myself as to the conditions at the Alexandra Palace, where the London Germans are interned. I am amazed at the descriptions given me of the comfort and brightness of everything after the poverty and the suffering of the unhappy prisoners of the Huns.1 Huns and relatives Prisoners became an important theme in the Anglo-German propaganda war, with both sides claiming that the other mistreated captives. Both countries developed sophisticated publicity machines in

in Prisoners of Britain
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The pattern of perceptions and positions seen in the preceding chapters in relation to elite actors was largely replicated at mass public level. Voters had a clear idea of where parties stood on the self-government question and party identification was a very strong predictor of constitutional preferences and of the referendum vote. Labour and Nationalist identifiers were hostile to the EU while Liberal and Conservative identifiers were supportive. This close matching between elite discourse and public opinion substantiates the claim

in Between two Unions

established that its status as an item of public opinion often goes unrecognised, with the result that its history is suppressed. Thus rendered permanently contemporary, the public/private divide is conceived of as a constant, and evidence of its emergence in the past, its alterations over the centuries, and its current deployment in ideological debate, is suppressed also. Literary

in Dissolute characters
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Addressing, petitioning and the public

addresses were much more than a mechanism for showering sycophantic praise upon authority: they were an integral part of what the historian Karin Bowie has termed the ‘opinion politics’ of the early modern period. 6 This book focuses on mass loyal addressing, from its emergence as a form of political communication towards the end of the Cromwellian Protectorate to its zenith as a vehicle for controversy at the turn of the eighteenth century. Public opinion, as represented in loyal addresses, was utilised to legitimate the

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727

Chapter 19 War and Public Opinion in the Nineteenth Century With Napoleon finally defeated and safely out of harm’s way in exile, Europe breathed a huge sigh of relief that peace had at last returned after a generation of war. It is sobering to think that a 25year-old in 1815 would not be able to remember a time when Europe had not been at war. This experience, together with the ideas unleashed by Napoleon and the French Revolution, did not suddenly disappear with the defeat of France. Quite the reverse happened, in fact, as Europe began to reconcile itself to

in Munitions of the Mind
Subscriptional activity during the civil wars

of the church and then the Protestation of 1641 and Grand Remonstrance, explicitly connected this activity with revolutionary change. Recent scholarly treatments of petitioning and oath-taking during the 1640s have drawn similar conclusions: the subscriptional texts that proliferated during this period have been seen as fostering a democratic political culture, making public opinion ‘the ultimate ground of legitimacy for a legislative agenda’; 2 devices such as the Protestation ‘offered agency to an active citizenry and

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727