Search results

John Walter

Chapter 7 . Public transcripts, popular agency and the politics of subsistence in early modern England I I n the summer of 1596, the balladeer Thomas Deloney was facing imprisonment. While Londoners were struggling with the consequences of harvest failure, Deloney had published, ‘a certein ballad containing a Complaint of the great Want and Scarcitie of Corn within the Realm’. His offence was to have represented the Queen speaking ‘with hir people in dialogue-wise in very fond and undecent sort’ and to have prescribed ‘orders for ye remedying of this dearth of

in Crowds and popular politics in early modern England
Author: John Walter

Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.

Bert Ingelaere

between trusted interlocutors might what does not fit the public transcript be discussed. At times these rumours floating around without a clear origin (a typical characteristic of rumours) can surface in the local pubs, when too much urwagwa (banana beer) has been consumed and where the danger exists that such ideas and opinions may be overheard by the omnipresent ears and eyes of the state, listening to record and act upon every instance of ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside – genocide ideology, including during the expressive activities developed in the gacaca

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Brett L. Shadle

Settlers instead invested enormous faith and energy in what they called prestige, a kind of protective barrier surrounding them. This, whites believed, permitted them to travel, work, and live in almost total security despite their being fantastically outnumbered by Africans. Lack of deference in the most minor way suggested that prestige was fraying and, unchecked, left settlers undefended. Because prestige must attach to white skin, any white person’s individual failure to maintain prestige threatened the prestige of all white people. Thus whites demanded of each other that they lived and comported themselves in certain ways. Settlers who fell into penury, became vagrants, turned to crime, or “went native” failed miserably to possess the demeanor necessary to inspire prestige. Moreover, settlers and colonial officials each wrote their own “public transcripts” that they demanded Africans follow. Whereas settlers insisted that prestige much attach to white skin, colonial officials argued it attached to all those representing the Crown. Settlers constantly attended to white prestige, both because it was crucial to the survival of white domination, and because it seemed perpetually in danger of dissipating.

in The souls of white folk
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

claims are laid out and how they are denied or mitigated. The dynamics of claiming authority while justifying and externalising failure turn peacebuilding’s public transcript into what Barrington Moore calls the moral authority of suffering (1978: Ch. 2). Peacebuilding’s discourse is projected with a sense of inevitability and unanimity, demanding consent, despite continuous armed conflict and deteriorating living conditions. These conditions, however, generate criticisms and political alternatives. Although the hidden transcript cannot be simplistically seen as an

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Abstract only
Reconstructing popular political culture in early modern England
John Walter

: as one, if key, moment, in a history of longer-term negotiations. As my essay on public transcripts and the politics of subsistence sought to show, popular politics might deploy ‘weapons of the weak’ in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than ‘riot’ (chapter 7). There was an important dialectic between the tradition of protest and this larger repertoire. An understanding that there was a wider repertoire of actions available to subaltern groups in negotiating or critiquing power, helps to avoid framing popular politics in the

in Crowds and popular politics in early modern England
Abstract only
Coping with change, expressing resistance
Rosalind Crone

avenue of retreat. Scott concluded that the ‘ambiguous polysemic elements of folk culture mark off a relatively autonomous realm of discursive freedom [for subordinates], on the condition that they declare no direct opposition to the public transcript as authorised by the dominant’.43 Much of Scott’s evidence for this theory is derived from peasant and slave societies as well as early modern Europe. However, some of these concepts still remain applicable to early nineteenth-century society in London and can assist us in understanding the deeper function of violent

in Violent Victorians
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

then connected to fundamental questions of revising administrative borders between Soviet republics. Hidden transcript into public transcript: dissident nationalists leave their informational island What actually has been the most striking feature of Armenian politics since independence is a lack of ideology rather than ideological differences. Had the survival of African elephants been a popular issue in Armenia, there can be little doubt that the same individuals who formed the Karabakh Committee would have been members of a “Save the Elephants Committee” if this

in Potentials of disorder
Reorganizing leprosy care, 1890– 1900
Stephen Snelders

Batavia, considered a strong move to restore discipline among ‘music-​ loving’ Afro-​Surinamese, did not seduce this hard core to attend church.17 However, there was not open resistance against all authority in Batavia. Instead, sufferers expressed what anthropologist James Scott has designated ‘hidden transcripts’ of anger and frustration, which was a discourse that had existed in Batavia alongside the public transcript of Christian care and obedience.18 Only rarely did this hidden transcript become public, such as during the Bishop’s visit to Batavia in 1883. A

in Leprosy and colonialism
A view from below
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

not, alas, so straightforward that we can call what is said in power-laden contexts false and what is said offstage true. Nor can we simplistically describe the former as a realm of necessity and the latter as a realm of freedom. What is certainly the case, however, is that the hidden transcript is produced for a different audience and under different constraints of power than the public transcript. (1990: 5) More than the boundaries between these two transcripts, the real conflict takes place in the space in between. Scott premised his central argument on the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making