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M1380 - HOLMES TEXT.qxp:Andy Q7 24/6/08 14:23 Page 14 1 Public service and the popular: debates and developments In its function as an “audience getter” and “audience holder”, Light Entertainment must adhere to certain basic principles of production. The producer . . . must consider closely the impact of his opening moments. These, if compulsive, will hold the audience beyond what is known in US television as the “nuts point” – . . . the moment at which the viewer might mutter the fatal words “Aw, nuts!” and switch over to an alternative channel.1 This
suspect in the eyes of radicals, who continued to regard these two departments as the last bastions of aristocratic inefficiency, jobbery and corruption. 5 This chapter will consider in detail the awkward balance between public service, patronage and party in an era of administrative reform. It will examine the party-political and cultural framework within which the Conservative Party leadership approached
be best supplied by an ethic of public service backed, crucially, by public accountability. The importance of accountability to public opinion was underlined by Gladstone in his 1863 budget speech: Endowed institutions laugh at public opinion. There is no public opinion brought to bear upon them. The press knows nothing of their expenditure
have to put up with each other for lengthy spells, unless there was an army post nearby. Rarely would more than four ICS men find themselves together, and it was often the case that there was just one woman at a station. 14 The impression is of an existence where Irishmen in public service were perforce subject to the influences of a fairly narrowly based society which may or may not have
From Virtue to Venality examines the problem of corruption in British urban society and politics between 1930 and 1995. It is not a conventional study of the politics of local government since it seeks to place corruption in urban societies in a wider cultural context. It reclaims the study of corruption from political scientists and sociologists for historians but provides theoretical explanations of the causes of corruption testing them against real cases. The legacy of the municipal gospel, public service ideals and ethical principles are analysed to show how public virtues were eroded over time. It argues that the key counterweight against corruption is a strong civil society but that British civil society became detached from the city and urban society allowing corrupt politicians and business men licence to further their own ambitions by corrupt means. Britain’s imperial past deflected political leaders from the evidence before them contributing to their failure to develop reforms. The accounts of corruption in Glasgow – a British Chicago – as well as the major corruption scandals of John Poulson and T. Dan Smith show how Labour controlled towns and cities were especially vulnerable to corrupt dealings. The case of Dame Shirley Porter in the City of Westminster in the late 1980s reveals that Conservative controlled councils were also vulnerable since in London the stakes of the political struggle were especially intense.
Social enterprise and third sector activity have mushroomed into a prolific area of academic research and discourse over the past 20 years, with many claiming their origins rooted in Blair, New Labour and Giddens’ ‘Third Way’. But many academic contributions lack experience of policy implementation and do not access the wealth of grey, legacy and public policy literature from earlier periods which supports different interpretations. Since most make few references to developments during the 1970s and 1980s, their narrow focus on New Labour from 1997 onwards not only neglects real antecedents, but miscasts the role of social enterprise.
Adopting a Critical Realist approach, the author had access to previously unused hardcopy documents from archives and collections and interviewed key players and key actors between 1998 and 2002, when major social enterprise and third sector policy changes occurred.
During a key political period from 1998 to 2002, Blair’s New Labour governments forced through a major conceptual shift for social enterprise, co-operative and third sector activity. Many structures, formed as community responses to massive deindustrialisation in the 1970s and 1980s, were repositioned to bid against the private sector to obtain contracts for delivery of low-cost public services.
Other UK academic contributions draw parallels with North American individual social entrepreneurs or rely excessively on interpretations from L’Emergence de l’Entreprise Sociale en Europe (EMES) Research Network, which prioritises a marketised version of “work integration social enterprises” (WISEs).
So the restoration of political and economic democracy has been denied to many local communities.
( Hannides, 2015 : 9). Information provision should be prioritised within all humanitarian responses. In addition, international journalism about humanitarian disasters needs financial support. This content is incredibly important but rarely profitable, and so it is neglected by the commercial news market. This means it is vital that citizens, foundations, philanthropists and public-service outlets value and support this work ( Scott et al ., 2018 ). The third priority is media literacy. We need audiences to know how to distinguish sources
scant resources for health and other public services. This system had encouraged provincial leaders and military commanders’ growing demands for a share in state resources, and their using mutiny and violence as bargaing tools. To ensure the loyalty of their armed constituents while maintaining an uneven distribution of the spoils to their own benefit, local commanders relied on military units formed along tribal lines, giving the appearance of ethnic conflicts, or, as the
. However, when the school determined that all teachers needed registration with the Kenyan Teaching Service, Philip was denied the ability to register, due to his refugee status. He lost that job. When he tried to drive for Uber and Bolt (two large ride-hailing firms), they also did not let him register without a Public Service Vehicle badge, accessible with a specific kind of background check only available to Kenyans. Another participant was thrilled to
’ deprivation is made worse by structural barriers in the host country, often with gendered implications ( Jacobsen, 2014 ). Not a signatory to the 1951 Convention on Refugees, Jordan curtails Syrians’ freedom of movement and access to public services ( Achilli, 2015 ). Families with women of childbearing age were particularly hit when authorities cut Syrians’ access to free public healthcare. The cost of giving birth at a hospital went up from approximatively $85 to $338, and