M1380 - HOLMES TEXT.qxp:Andy Q7
Publicservice and the popular:
debates and developments
In its function as an “audience getter” and “audience holder”, Light
Entertainment must adhere to certain basic principles of production. The
producer . . . must consider closely the impact of his opening moments.
These, if compulsive, will hold the audience beyond what is known in US
television as the “nuts point” – . . . the moment at which the viewer might
mutter the fatal words “Aw, nuts!” and switch over to an alternative
suspect in the eyes of
radicals, who continued to regard these two departments as the last
bastions of aristocratic inefficiency, jobbery and corruption. 5
This chapter will consider in detail the awkward balance
between publicservice, patronage and party in an era of administrative
reform. It will examine the party-political and cultural framework
within which the Conservative Party leadership approached
be best supplied by an ethic of publicservice backed, crucially,
by public accountability. The importance of accountability to public
opinion was underlined by Gladstone in his 1863 budget speech:
Endowed institutions laugh at public
opinion. There is no public opinion brought to bear upon them.
The press knows nothing of their expenditure
have to put up with each other for lengthy spells, unless
there was an army post nearby. Rarely would more than four ICS men
find themselves together, and it was often the case that there was
just one woman at a station. 14 The impression is of an existence where
Irishmen in publicservice were perforce subject to the influences
of a fairly narrowly based society which may or may not have
From Virtue to Venality examines the problem of corruption in British urban society and politics between 1930 and 1995. It is not a conventional study of the politics of local government since it seeks to place corruption in urban societies in a wider cultural context. It reclaims the study of corruption from political scientists and sociologists for historians but provides theoretical explanations of the causes of corruption testing them against real cases. The legacy of the municipal gospel, public service ideals and ethical principles are analysed to show how public virtues were eroded over time. It argues that the key counterweight against corruption is a strong civil society but that British civil society became detached from the city and urban society allowing corrupt politicians and business men licence to further their own ambitions by corrupt means. Britain’s imperial past deflected political leaders from the evidence before them contributing to their failure to develop reforms. The accounts of corruption in Glasgow – a British Chicago – as well as the major corruption scandals of John Poulson and T. Dan Smith show how Labour controlled towns and cities were especially vulnerable to corrupt dealings. The case of Dame Shirley Porter in the City of Westminster in the late 1980s reveals that Conservative controlled councils were also vulnerable since in London the stakes of the political struggle were especially intense.
This book focuses attention on a particular aspect of the British Broadcasting Corporation's (BBC) remit. It examines how the concepts of both 'public service' and the 'popular' were interpreted by the BBC. The book also examines how their relationship changed over time, moving across the early history of radio and television, up until the advent of Independent Television (ITV). It explores The Grove Family, which has secured a certain visibility in British television history due to its status as "British television's first soap opera". By focusing on a number of programme case studies such as the soap opera, the quiz/game show, the 'problem' show and programmes dealing with celebrity culture, the book demonstrates how BBC television surprisingly explored popular interests and desires. The book details how the quiz or game show, or to use the dominant term from the time, the "give-away" show, has been used to map sharp differences between the BBC and ITV in the 1950s. It focuses on the BBC's 'problem' or 'private life' programme, Is This Your Problem? ( ITYP?), in which members of the public asked the advice of an expert panel. The book explores television's relations with fame in the 1950s. It details how This is Your Life (TIYL) became a privileged site for debates about television's renegotiation of the boundaries of public/private, particularly with regard to audiences' cultural access to famous selves.
( Hannides, 2015 : 9). Information provision
should be prioritised within all humanitarian responses. In addition, international journalism
about humanitarian disasters needs financial support. This content is incredibly important but
rarely profitable, and so it is neglected by the commercial news market. This means it is vital
that citizens, foundations, philanthropists and public-service outlets value and support this
work ( Scott et al ., 2018 ).
The third priority is media literacy. We need audiences to know how to distinguish sources
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South
Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper
scant resources for health and other publicservices.
This system had encouraged provincial leaders and military commanders’
growing demands for a share in state resources, and their using mutiny and violence
as bargaing tools. To ensure the loyalty of their armed constituents while
maintaining an uneven distribution of the spoils to their own benefit, local
commanders relied on military units formed along tribal lines, giving the appearance
of ethnic conflicts, or, as the
Middle-Aged Syrian Women’s Contributions to Family Livelihoods
during Protracted Displacement in Jordan
Dina Sidhva, Ann-Christin Zuntz, Ruba al Akash, Ayat Nashwan, and Areej Al-Majali
’ deprivation is made worse by structural barriers in the host
country, often with gendered implications ( Jacobsen, 2014 ). Not a signatory to the 1951 Convention on Refugees,
Jordan curtails Syrians’ freedom of movement and access to publicservices
( Achilli, 2015 ). Families with women
of childbearing age were particularly hit when authorities cut Syrians’
access to free public healthcare. The cost of giving birth at a hospital went up
from approximatively $85 to $338, and
Social enterprise and third sector activity have mushroomed into a prolific area of academic research and discourse over the past 20 years, with many claiming their origins rooted in Blair, New Labour and Giddens’ ‘Third Way’. But many academic contributions lack experience of policy implementation and do not access the wealth of grey, legacy and public policy literature from earlier periods which supports different interpretations. Since most make few references to developments during the 1970s and 1980s, their narrow focus on New Labour from 1997 onwards not only neglects real antecedents, but miscasts the role of social enterprise. Adopting a Critical Realist approach, the author had access to previously unused hardcopy documents from archives and collections and interviewed key players and key actors between 1998 and 2002, when major social enterprise and third sector policy changes occurred. During a key political period from 1998 to 2002, Blair’s New Labour governments forced through a major conceptual shift for social enterprise, co-operative and third sector activity. Many structures, formed as community responses to massive deindustrialisation in the 1970s and 1980s, were repositioned to bid against the private sector to obtain contracts for delivery of low-cost public services. Other UK academic contributions draw parallels with North American individual social entrepreneurs or rely excessively on interpretations from L’Emergence de l’Entreprise Sociale en Europe (EMES) Research Network, which prioritises a marketised version of “work integration social enterprises” (WISEs). So the restoration of political and economic democracy has been denied to many local communities.