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British television and constructs of race

Adjusting the contrast National and cultural identity, ethnicity and difference have always been major themes within the national psyche. People are witnessing the rise and visibility of far-right politics and counter-movements in the UK and USA. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to defend the role of public service media. This book emerges at a time when these shifts and conjunctures that impact on and shape how 'race' and racial difference are perceived. They are coinciding with rapidly changing media contexts and environments and the kinds of racial representations that are constructed within public service broadcasting (PSB), specifically the BBC and Channel 4. The book explores a range of texts and practices that address the ongoing phenomenon of race and its relationship to television. Policies and the management of race; transnationalism and racial diversity; historical questions of representation; the myth of a multicultural England are also explored. It interrogates three television primarily created by women, written by women, feature women in most of the lead roles, and forcefully reassert the place of women in British history. The book contributes to the range of debates around television drama and black representation, examining BBC's Shoot the Messenger and Top Boy. Finally, it explores some of the history that led to the belated breakthrough of Black and Asian British comedy. The book also looks at the production of jokes about race and colour prior to the 1980s and 1990s, and questioning what these jokes tell us about British multiculturalism in this period.

Abstract only
Sarita Malik and Darrell M. Newton

witnessing the rise and visibility of far-right politics and counter-movements in the UK and USA. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to defend the role of public service media, given its position in the multicultural public sphere.1 This collection emerges at a time when these shifts and conjunctures that impact on and shape how ‘race’ and racial difference are perceived, are coinciding with rapidly changing media contexts and environments and the kinds of racial representations that are constructed within public service broadcasting (PSB). Even in the midst of these

in Adjusting the contrast
Michael Breen, Michael Courtney, Iain Mcmenamin, Eoin O’Malley, and Kevin Rafter

, individuals, and winners/losers is consistent with definitions of newsworthiness and delivers classic journalistic requirements for drama, conflict, and controversy (Galtung and Ruge, 1965; Lawrence, 2000; Harcup and O’Neill, 2001). The literature in the game/policy framing area, however, tends to incorporate the assumption that public-service media has a stronger obligation to provide news that is in the public interest than purely commercial media do. Private media, in particular, is expected to represent politics as a game, with consideration of policy sidelined in its

in Resilient reporting
Towards a frame- building model
Marina Dekavalla

service media (a finding corroborated by several other studies, for instance Dimitrova and Strömbäck, 2011), when an election race is close, all types of media converge on a game-​framed narrative. The tendency to game-​frame electoral coverage is seen as a development of the past three or four decades when a shift is said to have taken place in journalism from focusing on political candidates’ proposals and speeches to their performance, motives and tactics (Patterson, 1993). This is part of a broader argument that sees mainstream media coverage of politics as

in Framing referendum campaigns in the news
Open Access (free)
White fragility and black social death
Ylva Habel

repetitive, suggesting that earlier arguments from black critics were neither heard nor absorbed by the press, cultural institutions, or public service media covering the debates. Kitimbwa Sabuni (2012) referred to this as ‘white rage’. Significantly, white cultural critics and debaters in Swedish daily newspapers, such as Jonas Thente and Björn Wiman of Dagens Nyheter, the daily with the largest circulation in Sweden, would start all over again for each controversial cultural product, thus making every particular debate almost thematically and discursively identical. A

in The power of vulnerability
Marina Dekavalla

is that the game frame tends to be used more in commercial than in public service media organisations (Strömbäck and van Aelst, 2010; Dimitrova and Strömbäck, 2011), although both types of media resort to it when a political competition is tight (Dunaway and Lawrence, 2015). It has also been found to appear more often around the period when an actual decision has to be made and conflict between elites culminates, rather than at the early stages of a debate when the issue frame is more prominent (Lawrence, 2000). In a comprehensive review of literature on the game

in Framing referendum campaigns in the news
Marina Dekavalla

increasing use of professional polling which has become an integral part of reporting in most campaigns; to the overall personalisation of politics where focus on individual politicians has replaced interest in policies; and to the inherent newsworthiness of the game frame due to its focus on drama, conflict and elite individuals (Aalberg et al., 2012). Although many studies suggest that privately owned media outlets use the game frame more than public service media (Dunaway, 2008; Strömbäck and Van Aelst, 2010; Dimitrova and Strömbäck, 2011), Dunaway and Lawrence (2015

in Framing referendum campaigns in the news
Open Access (free)
Mia-Marie Hammarlin

people together represent a broad spectrum of Swedish opinion-building news media, such as broadsheet newspapers, tabloids, and public-service media (radio and TV). 2 During their long professional careers, they have had extensive experience of covering media scandals. 3 They are all well known, influential, and politically orientated. Journalists listed in alphabetical order: Heidi Avellan, political editor-in-chief, Sydsvenska Dagbladet, the largest broadsheet in Southern Sweden (independent Liberal) Anette Holmqvist, political reporter, Aftonbladet, one of Sweden

in Exposed
Mia-Marie Hammarlin

inwards, reflecting itself in itself in an almost narcissistic manner, a point touched on by Pontus Mattsson. It is undeniably interesting that public-service media are also dragged on to this merry-go-round. Of course the Sveriges Radio news desk Ekot enjoys a greater degree of independence than the purely commercial news producers; but to forego the tempo, the very speed of the news flow, and, so to speak, to hop off while at full speed is fraught with danger. Ekot might suddenly appear fusty and outmoded, which would carry the risk of losing out with respect to

in Exposed