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Selma, 1963
Davis W. Houck

1963 was a defining year in James Baldwin’s life as a public intellectual. Beginning in January with a trip to Jackson, Mississippi, and closing at a Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee conference in Washington, DC, Baldwin often frequented the speaking rostrum. On October 7, he spoke at a Freedom Day event organized by SNCC’s Jim Forman in Selma, Alabama. That speech, recorded by a private citizen and heretofore unremarked upon, can be productively read as part of Baldwin’s ongoing radicalization, away from a solution that privileged rhetorical (re)invention and toward destructive and collective acts designed to subvert American capitalism. At another register, Baldwin’s speech functioned as an important culmination to an eight-month campaign to bring voting rights—and the federal government—to Dallas County, Alabama.

James Baldwin Review

This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena: recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed: first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed. 2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed by the counter-revolutionary ones.

Abstract only
Elisabeth Carter

parties interact, and how this interaction influences the electoral scores of the right-wing extremist parties. More Party competition 103 specifically, the chapter examines the effect on the right-wing extremist party vote of (1) an ideological moderation of both the mainstream right and the extreme right, (2) an ideological radicalization of both sets of parties, and (3) a moderation of one set of parties but a radicalization of the other. The chapter then broadens its outlook. From having considered patterns of party competition on the right side of the political

in The extreme right in Western Europe
Abstract only
Michael Minkenberg
and
Zsuzsanna Végh

consequence, over time this interaction results in a radicalization of mainstream parties and their policies with long-lasting effects, as our analyses in previous chapters showed. Once these effects occur on the two levels of mainstream parties’ positions and in (minority-related) policies, together they unfurl considerable repercussions at the level of the polity itself, i.e. undermining the quality of democracy. These adverse

in Depleting Democracies
Rita Kaur Dhamoon

democracy is conceptualized as an entity or ideal rather than as an activity characterized by relations of power. Third, I propose that the work of democracy in constituting subjects can be radicalized by taking accounts of meaning-making. I develop the idea of accountability by drawing specifically on the work of Sherene Razack (1998) and Judith Butler (2005). I argue that in radicalizing the work of democracy through accountability, processes of subject formation that produce representations of privilege and penalty can be disrupted. Accounts of meaning-making not only

in Democracy in crisis
Failure of Islam, or: Failure of Politics?
François Burgat

contemptuous tone he wields towards the “ill-educated” when he professes to explain to us how they operate. He delivers unto us a mass of details worthy of attention, some but not all of them of a police-like nature. Mainly, however, he upholds the thesis that sectarian radicalization precedes political radicalization—and not vice versa. The origins of the Paris attacks must, he argues, be sought first of all in the fact that a “deviant” interpretation of one or other sura of the Quran (Salafism)—if not these sura s themselves—has unstoppably spread among some French

in Understanding Political Islam
David Larsson Heidenblad

matter for them. Environmental destruction and unfettered economic growth posed a direct threat: what was at stake was their own future. Even after this radicalization, however, older ideals rooted in nature-orientated Romanticism were very much alive within the association. This is how its magazine’s editor, Roger Olsson, described what was behind his own involvement in the environmental debate in the summer of 1972: ‘For me, it is the feeling for nature’, he wrote, ‘a feeling created by all the experiences of happiness

in The environmental turn in postwar Sweden
Senia Febrica

). The securitization of UK aid is reflected in the allocation of development aid for counter-terrorism purposes, including those that are aimed to promote moderate Islam. Most of the DFID counter-terrorism programs involved not only the Indonesian government but also civil society. UK DFID sponsored programs include, for example, programs to tackle radicalization and extremism

in Counter-terrorism and civil society
Abstract only
The radical right and democratic quality in the region
Michael Minkenberg
and
Zsuzsanna Végh

political behavior and democratic attitudes” (Geissel, Kneuer, and Lauth 2016, 573). We proceed by reviewing interrelations between periods of identified position and policy shifts and radicalization in the previous chapters and periods of decline in democratic quality as reflected in democracy indices stemming from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project (Coppedge et al. 2021a ; Pemstein et al. 2021

in Depleting Democracies
A history
Hans Bertens

problems of language and signification and radicalized its questioning of Enlightenment humanism. It distrusted conceptual systems and saw universalism and its concomitant essentialism as ultimately totalitarian. It rejected the notion of the unique, self-determined and coherent subject and questioned notions of originality and authorship. In a later stage it developed an interest in how language was instrumental in establishing and perpetuating power relations and in processes of marginalization. It is this postmodernism

in Post-everything