Search results
This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena: recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed: first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed. 2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed by the counter-revolutionary ones.
parties interact, and how this interaction influences the electoral scores of the right-wing extremist parties. More Party competition 103 specifically, the chapter examines the effect on the right-wing extremist party vote of (1) an ideological moderation of both the mainstream right and the extreme right, (2) an ideological radicalization of both sets of parties, and (3) a moderation of one set of parties but a radicalization of the other. The chapter then broadens its outlook. From having considered patterns of party competition on the right side of the political
democracy is conceptualized as an entity or ideal rather than as an activity characterized by relations of power. Third, I propose that the work of democracy in constituting subjects can be radicalized by taking accounts of meaning-making. I develop the idea of accountability by drawing specifically on the work of Sherene Razack (1998) and Judith Butler (2005). I argue that in radicalizing the work of democracy through accountability, processes of subject formation that produce representations of privilege and penalty can be disrupted. Accounts of meaning-making not only
contemptuous tone he wields towards the “ill-educated” when he professes to explain to us how they operate. He delivers unto us a mass of details worthy of attention, some but not all of them of a police-like nature. Mainly, however, he upholds the thesis that sectarian radicalization precedes political radicalization—and not vice versa. The origins of the Paris attacks must, he argues, be sought first of all in the fact that a “deviant” interpretation of one or other sura of the Quran (Salafism)—if not these sura s themselves—has unstoppably spread among some French
matter for them. Environmental destruction and unfettered economic growth posed a direct threat: what was at stake was their own future. Even after this radicalization, however, older ideals rooted in nature-orientated Romanticism were very much alive within the association. This is how its magazine’s editor, Roger Olsson, described what was behind his own involvement in the environmental debate in the summer of 1972: ‘For me, it is the feeling for nature’, he wrote, ‘a feeling created by all the experiences of happiness
). The securitization of UK aid is reflected in the allocation of development aid for counter-terrorism purposes, including those that are aimed to promote moderate Islam. Most of the DFID counter-terrorism programs involved not only the Indonesian government but also civil society. UK DFID sponsored programs include, for example, programs to tackle radicalization and extremism
problems of language and signification and radicalized its questioning of Enlightenment humanism. It distrusted conceptual systems and saw universalism and its concomitant essentialism as ultimately totalitarian. It rejected the notion of the unique, self-determined and coherent subject and questioned notions of originality and authorship. In a later stage it developed an interest in how language was instrumental in establishing and perpetuating power relations and in processes of marginalization. It is this postmodernism
‘post-traditionalism’ and this myriad of past voices. So what was novel? There seems to be a simple answer to the question. Tradition and traditional societies suppressed the ‘self’ in a prison of duties, ascriptive demands and restrictions, typically with religious justifications. This was never fully effaced by modernization. The concept of ‘post-traditional’ appears to be a radicalization in the face of such issues: it implies, in the term itself, to be about a break not only with particular traditions, which even
. This indeed turned a “new page”: one yet more filled with uncertainties. These were both with respect to the precise military capacity of Saleh’s supporters—but also with respect to Iran’s reaction were its Houthi ally to become excessively weakened. Radicalization in Yemen and the Common Denominator of Foreign Interventions As my research trajectory developed, Yemen struck me for the remarkable diversity of the dual historical matrix of its Islamist movement. Also, for the North’s extraordinary ability to integrate
and “successfully managing the coming race war”. 6 He was radicalized by white supremacy online: The first website I came to was the Council of Conservative Citizens. There were pages upon pages of these brutal black on White murders. I was in disbelief […] From this point I researched deeper and found out what was happening in Europe. I saw that the same things were happening in England and France, and in all the other Western European countries. 7 Roof also looked further afield. Like the CofCC, and the Citizens’ Council before it, Roof did not