Jack Holland

a show set in a fictional medieval (and magical) world and a programme tracking real-world political events, House of Cards and Game of Thrones deal with similar issues in comparable ways. The quest for power and the realist means of its pursuit and maintenance unite these two shows and are a significant draw for their fans. This chapter explores this theme of realpolitik, as the prioritisation of the practical in the pursuit of power, over the moral or ideological. It is structured in three parts. First, the chapter recaps what is at stake for fictional

in Fictional television and American Politics
From 9/11 to Donald Trump
Author: Jack Holland

American television was about to be revolutionised by the advent of video on demand in 2007, when Netflix, having delivered over one billion DVDs, introduced streaming. This book explores the role that fictional television has played in the world politics of the US in the twenty-first century. It focuses on the second golden age of television, which has coincided with the presidencies of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald J. Trump. The book is structured in three parts. Part I considers what is at stake in rethinking the act of watching television as a political and academic enterprise. Part II considers fictional television shows dealing explicitly with the subject matter of formal politics. It explores discourses of realpolitik in House of Cards and Game of Thrones, arguing that the shows reinforce dominant assumptions that power and strategy inevitably trump ethical considerations. It also analyses constructions of counterterrorism in Homeland, The West Wing, and 24, exploring the ways in which dominant narratives have been contested and reinforced since the onset of the War on Terror. Part III considers television shows dealing only implicitly with political themes, exploring three shows that make profound interventions into the political underpinnings of American life: The Wire, The Walking Dead and Breaking Bad. Finally, the book explores the legacies of The Sopranos and Mad Men, as well as the theme of resistance in The Handmaid's Tale.

Open Access (free)
How anarchism still matters
Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen

, anarchist and alternative globalisation cultures, these processes take time, patience and understanding. How one extrapolates this into global terms is something that also requires consideration. Towards a global anarchist realpolitik In a famous television debate in 1980, Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault argued about the extent to which international laws on human rights or the United Nations were forms of moral and political advancement. Whilst the respective opinions are interesting – Chomsky thought this was a form of progress, Foucault did not – the reasons for

in Changing anarchism
Harry Blutstein

order represent the first phase of globalisation.13 This principle became a guiding light for liberal internationalists who emerged from the Second World War determined to complete Wilson’s dream, but this time around, they worked hard to construct a robust institutional framework around this principle that would willingly sacrifice the purity of the vision against the realpolitik of the times. The liberal foundations of globalisation 11 Notes  1 D. Zanuck, ‘Preface to ‘Wilson’, in John Gassner and Dudley Nichols (eds), Best Film Plays of 1943–1944 (New York

in The ascent of globalisation
Losing friends and failing to influence
Christopher Stevens

agreements. Three years later, with only a quarter of sub-­Saharan African states having signed interim EPAs, the subject still loomed over the discussions. There have been numerous analyses of EPAs but this chapter addresses one particular aspect: the light that the EPA saga throws on the ability of the EU to conduct a coherent negotiation that advances its objective interests whether these are defined in terms of values or of realpolitik. There are two strands to the argument. One is that over time Europe’s response to a particular problem in the World Trade Organisation

in The European Union in Africa
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror
Christoph Zürcher

Kosovo problems, discussing which rationales and motives can, in the absence of any convincing Realist interests, best explain NATO’s and Russia’s decision to go to war. In the final section, I show how Chechnya and Kosovo are linked, both by Realpolitik and, perhaps more directly, by each being the focal point of an on-going war of interpretation. The outcome of each of these wars of interpretation

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
A European fin de siècle
Sergei Medvedev

signifying Europe at the end of modernity, a trademark European fin de siècle . Kosovo between Idealpolitik and Realpolitik Kosovo is the first war in history said to be fought in pursuit of principle, not interest. What is at stake is a radical revision of the moral (and, perhaps subsequently, the legal and institutional) basis of the international system. The

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Tracing the origins of Swedish neutrality, 1814–1945
Christine Agius

Sweden’s choice of neutrality was that it was a realpolitik decision, or the calculated choice of a small state with few options. Divorced from power politics and military entanglements, Sweden opted to preserve its independence through neutrality rather than look to an alliance. In his 1834 memo, the King announced that Sweden was an ‘insular power’ and ‘would abandon all illusions which might

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Abstract only
Carla Konta

relations within centralistic and federalization forces, and externally with the United States and the Soviet Union. 21 The US cultural penetration contributed to shaping that experiment. The mutual (dis)trust between the two partners over the decades covered in this study emerged from them belonging to opposing ideological factions. Ultimately, this was overcome by pragmatism, realpolitik, and, to some extent, shared appreciation. For the founders of its way to socialism, Yugoslavia was a product of Marxist exceptionalism; for US policymakers, it was an experiment worth

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Jenny Benham

, superiority and inferiority are in terms of Anglo-Welsh peacemaking not static points at the opposite ends of a scale, but rather a fluid framework guided by realpolitik . 48 Although this is reflected in the location of meeting places to a certain extent, the sites do not reflect the relationship between the English kings and the Welsh rulers as clearly as do the meeting places between the

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages