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Anthony Ascham and English political thought, 1648–50
Author: Marco Barducci

The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.

David Myers

were originally separate: in the art of Painting it implies, in addition to this, such an arrangement and reciprocal relation of these materials, as shall constitute them so many essential parts of a whole. (Allston, Lectures on art , online) Allston's conceptualization would engage issues beyond those of painting and art: a broad-brushed stab at the mind–body problem. Given the breadth of his argument, it is then interesting to note what elements T. S. Eliot later chose to retain within his own, more influential conceptualization of an objective

in Games are not
Elisabeth Bronfen

/result of a woman’s death, with ‘cause’ and ‘result’ forming an ambivalently reciprocal relation. Explicitly thematising a conjunction of image, femininity and death, the narrative representations I will discuss equally address the relation between identification, pleasure and subjectivity, as this too is unseverable from death. If my previous examples were each representations of a

in Over her dead body
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Marco Barducci

after ‘against his will’. There was no room for ambiguities in the social compact, affirmed Ascham: either we obeyed in return for protection, or we perpetuated the status belli . In conclusion, from 1648 to 1650 Ascham’s propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. Ascham’s argument in support of

in Order and conflict
Azzedine Haddour

constitutes in Merleau-Ponty the reciprocal relation between body and the world, between the embodied self and its others, is attenuated by racism. In Weate’s terms: ‘Fanon points to a fundamental asymmetry between blacks and whites and the active relation to “the world”.’69 Fanon’s analysis of black Erlebnis clearly problematizes orthodox phenomenology, and in particular the thought of MerleauPonty. The putative sameness that exists across all able-bodied beings The significance of Sartre in Fanon 49 in Merleau-Ponty’s theorizing is ‘nullified and rendered naive by

in Frantz Fanon, postcolonialism and the ethics of difference
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Stephen Greer

’ (Esposito  14 14 Queer exceptions 2013: 85). In response, Esposito calls for a reconceptualisation of community and immunity that places them in reciprocal relation. In this conceptual frame, immunity is posed not as a barrier of separation but a filter of relations: a potential mode of continuous exchange ‘between an internalised outside and an externalised inside’ (Esposito 2011: 174). As I will argue most directly in discussion of Martin O’Brien’s work in ­chapter  6, this metaphor is valuable to a queer critique of exceptionality for its deconstruction of the

in Queer exceptions
Franco-Maghrebi identity in Hassan Legzouli’s film Ten’ja
Ramona Mielusel

individuals are Others for the people surrounding them. This is a normal position in a globalized contemporary world and it is not a specifically Franco-Maghrebi matter. In Soi-même comme un autre (1990), Paul Ricoeur reinstates the idea of defining oneself by constant reference to the other as a binary and reciprocal relation: one can always discover one’s otherness by distinguishing one’s identity from the other person. By the same token, Nordine can better understand himself after this experience because he discovered otherness (his Moroccan-ness) in France, the same way

in Reimagining North African Immigration
Evidence from Tumaco, Colombia
Jan Boesten and Annette Idler

exploration of the Colombian case shows, however, that the plain functionality of territorial control is not sufficient for recognition. Rather, FARC control had some institutional caveats that communities utilised to voice their own grievances and coordinate their daily quotidian affairs. We argue that recognition-based research is useful to highlight these differences between different ANSAs active in the same territories. Recognition is ‘an ideal reciprocal relation between subjects in which each sees the other as its equal and also separate from it

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Between policy, practice, and politics
Janika Kuge

social emancipatory movement that exceeds and usually pre-dates the policy itself, and that often follows a different rationality. A reciprocal relation between these two elements, influencing and evaluating the goals and contents of what a sanctuary city can become, makes it a process rather than a status or a condition (Walia, 2014 ). The efficacy of sanctuary cities is also tied to legal boundaries that are pre-set by laws at other spatial and legal scales. What practices institutions can facilitate is often shaped by national legal

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
John McLeod

. 60) This leads Balibar to posit that nationalism always has a reciprocal relation with racism (although the nature of that relation can take many different forms): where one is found, the other is never far away. Therefore, in using nationalism, it is claimed that decolonising peoples are in danger of perpetuating a concept which tends to support divisive processes of racialisation. It is no surprise to Balibar that in the process of decolonisation, illiberal racist tendencies have been ‘reproduced, expanded and re-activated’ (p. 43). So, if nationalism is

in Beginning postcolonialism (second edition)