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The role of the Home Office in the Peterloo Massacre remains contentious. This article assesses the available evidence from the Home Office and the private correspondence of Home Secretary Viscount Sidmouth to contest E. P. Thompson’s claim that the Home Office ‘assented’ to the arrest of Henry Hunt at St Peter’s Fields. Peterloo is placed within the context of government’s response to political radicalism to show how the Tory ministry had no clear counter-radical strategy in the months leading up to the August event. The article further argues that although the Home Office may not have assented to forceful intervention on the day, the event and its aftermath were needed to justify the Six Acts which would ultimately cripple the reform movement.
The attempt to both define and understand reform in the later tenth and eleventh centuries is the chief ambition of this book. The book explores ecclesiastical reform as a religious idea and a movement against the backdrop of social and religious change in later tenth- and eleventh-century Europe. In so doing, it seeks, on the one hand, to place the relationship between reform and the papacy in the context of the debate about 'transformation' in its many and varied forms. At the same time, although recognizing that the reform movement had its origins as much in individuals and events far away from Rome and royal courts, it has looked to act as something of a corrective to the recent tendency among historians of emphasizing reform developments in other localities at the expense of those being undertaken in Rome. The book addresses 'the religious revolution of the eleventh century' by exploring how reform and the papacy developed in the eleventh century, and how these changes affected the rules by which medieval society functioned. Particular attention is paid to the question of whether the 'peace of God' movement was a social revolution that progressively blurred into and merged with the papal-sponsored movement for reform, which was gathering pace from the middle of the century, or whether these forces were deliberately compacted by the reformers in their efforts to promote their vision for Christian society.
This book has explored ecclesiastical reform as a religious idea and a movement against the backdrop of social and religious change in later tenth- and eleventh-century Europe. In so doing, it has sought, on the one hand, to place the relationship between reform and the papacy in the context of the debate about ‘transformation’ in its many and varied forms. At the same time, although recognizing that the reform movement had its origins as much in individuals and events far away from Rome and royal courts, it has looked to act as something of a corrective to the
country. Today the sailor is as conscious of his worth to the state, as the soldier or civil servant’. 2 While popular discourse championed sailors’bodies, naval men’s writings repeatedly emphasised their intellectual acumen. Countless claims to the educational improvement of the naval ratings served as the basis from which the emergent lower-deck reform movement appealed to the Admiralty to improve
needed, but also why it may have been pursued in the manner it was. Interpretations of the nature of the movement for Church reform, the success and failure of its objectives, and even its desirability have had a long and chequered history, beginning even as the reform movement itself was developing in the eleventh century. One early and noteworthy commentator (among many who could be named) was the Ottonian historian Thietmar of Merseburg (975–1018) who viewed monastic reform as rank hypocrisy, and who took offence at critics of the less stringent and more
encouraged women to engage more seriously in day-to-day Unionist activism than they had done in the Primrose League. Edwardian Unionists were not merely concerned with appealing to the male voter. The tariff reform movement sought to develop a new culture of Unionist public politics, more amenable to women than the rowdy traditions of the Victorian hustings. All the same, these efforts met with ambiguous results. Whilst female Unionist activism flourished in Edwardian Britain, there are signs that some male Conservative leaders grew uneasy with the increasing encroachment
behind the rapid development of the grassroots tariff reform movement during the early years of the twentieth century. In focusing on the harmful effects that the tariff reform campaign had on the cohesion of Unionist constituency associations, historians have largely overlooked the fact that many activists were frustrated by the limited opportunities that existing conservative organisations provided for political education in the early 1900s. These resentments were expressed most keenly by the Liberal Unionists. It is clear that Green’s thesis underestimates the
and patient) to become its slave rather than its master. This week sheds light on the medical, financial and humanitarian repercussions of medical technology. Finally, there is the topic of ‘scientific literacy’, which was introduced a few years after the course started, replacing the subject of the beginning of life. The choice for this week's topic was informed by the Dutch reform movement ‘Science in Transition’, established in 2013. The
, promulgating new laws during its meetings, held three times a year. Its three key officials – dispenser, steward and chamberlain – exercised considerable power until the court declined in importance during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Subsequently, the wider Curia developed into the embryonic parliament and the king developed his own council of ministers during the medieval period. Simon de Montfort This immigrant from France led the so-called ‘reform movement’ aimed at limiting royal power; the movement found expression in the Provisions of Oxford, of 1258
Childbirth and parenting organisations which developed in Australia in the 1960s began to question some of these practices, such as the Association for the Advancement of Painless Childbirth, later the Childbirth Education Association, and the Nursing Mothers Association of Australia. 48 The childbirth reform movement was influenced by organisations which had developed overseas such as the National