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Introduction ‘Financial inclusion’ has become the cause du jour for several humanitarian players in the forced migration space. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ (UNHCR) 2018 Global Compact on Refugees called for financial inclusion as a means to support ‘self-reliance’, which they define as ‘the social and economic ability of an individual, household or community to meet essential needs in a sustainable manner and with dignity
comparatively higher incidence of intimate partner violence (IPV) and marital rape in camps than rape outside marriage. The reality that the displacement process is not linear, leading more people to be trapped in protracted displacement without any clear end in sight, exacerbates the threat of GBV to women, children, and even men. 1 The displacement confronted by millions of South Sudanese refugees illustrates one of the inevitable consequences of colonialisation (i.e. refugee
The violence that erupted on 25 August 2017 in the Rakhine State in Myanmar led to an exodus of Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh. By mid 2018, the total number of Rohingyas in the southern district of Cox's Bazaar in the Chittagong Division was over 919,000, although this is still a conservative estimate (ICSG, 2018 ). More likely, today Bangladesh hosts over a million Rohingyas. Called the fastest growing refugee crisis since the Rwandan genocide, the 2017 arrivals underscore the plight of a people too often forgotten in the international
opportunities around the world. Digital labour platforms and the online gig economy now promise access to work for anyone with an internet connection, a computer and the right skillset. Inspired by this promise, governments, civil society, social enterprises and international organisations in the humanitarian and development sectors, including the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Norwegian Refugee Council
increasingly more present in contexts of forced displacement, with digital inclusion of refugees being framed by humanitarian agencies as a fundamental human right and an essential tool to promote access to income and skills development ( UNHCR, 2016 ). The deployment of digital technologies has been consistently emphasised by government and humanitarian organisations as crucial to fostering refugees’ self-reliance, entrepreneurship and well-being, as well as to implementing innovative solutions
According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there were 22.5 million refugees globally in 2014 (UNHCR, 2017 ). Research shows that of these 22.5 million, at least 6.6 million were stateless (Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion, 2014 ). This year was by no means exceptional. The number of stateless refugees makes up a substantial
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
security frameworks – and the Hobbesian social contract underpinning them – more profoundly apparent than regarding the stateless: refugees and asylum-seekers in global politics. Refugees and asylum-seekers point both to the failure of some states to live up to their obligations of providing for the wellbeing of their populations, and to the ultimate inability for traditional
Allwood 06 24/2/10 6 10:31 Page 152 Refugee women and NGOs This chapter begins from the hypothesis that refugee women, politically active in their countries of origin, will be motivated to participate in their country of destination, but that their opportunities to participate may be constrained by institutional/organisational, social and cultural barriers. It highlights refugee women’s agency, countering the perception that they are passive victims, and describes their individual motivation and resources, and their experiences of NGO participation. As
Allwood 04 24/2/10 4 10:29 Page 96 Refugee women in France In France, as in other EU states, the spotlight on asylum issues and the country’s diverse refugee communities has increased over the past 15 years. This focus on refugee migration and asylum rights is due to several factors; for example, the expansion in numbers of those seeking asylum in France and the fact that many of them arrive from zones of conflict and disaster (Kosovo, Chechnya, Rwanda, DRC, Iraq and others) where traumatic events and acts of extreme violence impact severely on their basic