Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.
Traces of a regional political class in Catalonia and Scotland
the electorate turned out to ratify it in a referendum.
Compared to the rather ambivalent consequences of political professionalisation for the development of regionaldemocracy in Catalonia, its balance
with regard to the establishment and expansion of regional autonomy seems
much more clear-cut. No doubt, the emergence of a professional self-interest
of Catalan politicians predominantly tied to the Catalan level (by their career
orientation as well as by their career base) has strengthened Catalonia’s
position in its constant battle with the Spanish state over
political vocation, drawing their salary and
pension from serving in the most prestigious positions of Catalan politics.
Furthermore, in regionalising the Spanish state and establishing Catalan
regionaldemocracy, they, together with their colleagues in this profession,
have been shaping an institutional structure that provides many more Catalans
with the opportunity to combine their strong feelings for Catalonia with a
professional political career.
In May 1999, nineteen years after the inauguration of the Catalan
Parliament, another long-awaited regional parliament was
cosmopolitanism has come under criticism for privileging
the roles of elites and a form of spatial globalism that revolves around
global institutions and organizations without examining how global
democracy is linked to local, national and regionaldemocracy
(Smith and Brassett 2008; Calhoun 2010). At the same time, modern
cosmopolitanism is also accused of a failure to tackle the global
economic inequalities that are created and perpetuated by neo-liberal
globalization (Hardt and Negri 2004) and of universalizing Eurocentric
ideas of citizenship, sovereignty, human rights and
in each case. In the following
I will thus concentrate on (1) those particular features that are necessary to
understand the context of the empirical analysis contained in the following
two chapters, and on (2) those general developments that are most likely to
affect the future of regionaldemocracy and the modern state in the two cases
(as will be discussed in chapter 5).
The two main sections of this chapter discuss the two cases using a
common ﬁve-part structure. In each case, the basic conditions under which
the two regions have been integrated into their
presidential elections. In Russia’s regions, legislatures are elected. The
major change which President Putin has made in regard to regionaldemocracy is that since the beginning of 2005, the heads of regional
executives (governors, republican presidents, and the mayors of Russia’s
two ‘federal cities’, St Petersburg and Moscow) are no longer elected but
are nominated by the President and approved by regional legislatures.
This is a less purely democratic procedure than direct election, but in
comparative terms is not undemocratic per se. Direct election of regional
Research Centre, 2000.
Andrekos Varnava and Christalla Yakinthou, ‘Cyprus: Political Modernity and the Structures of Democracy in a Divided Island’, in John Loughlin, Frank Hendriks, and Anders Lidstrom (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Local and RegionalDemocracy in Europe , Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 455–477.
‘The State of Cypriot Minorities’.
Andrekos Varnava and Christalla
Yakinthou, ‘Cyprus: Political Modernity and Structures of
Democracy in a Divided Island’, in John Loughlin, Frank
Hendriks and Anders Lidström (eds), The Oxford Handbook of
Local and RegionalDemocracy in Europe , Oxford University
House when it was debating English or Welsh domestic matters. The ‘in-andout’ principle ought to be attractive to Conservatives since it would ensure
them a semi-permanent majority on most social issues at Westminster – no
small prize. Labour remains formally committed to devolution and may be
expected to consider a plan along these lines in the future. (Drucker and
Brown 1980: 127)
The idea was later abandoned by Brown. In January 1995, Brown argued
that a Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly ‘go hand in hand with the
offer of greater regionaldemocracy throughout
federalism viable?’, PostSoviet Affairs, 12:3 (1996), 195–217; Peter C. Ordeshook and Olga Shevtsova,
‘Federalism and constitutional design’, Journal of Democracy (January, 1997),
27–36; M. Makfol, S. Markov and A. Ryabov (eds), Formirovanie PartiinoPoliticheskoi Sistemy v Rossii (Moscow, Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace: 1998), G. V. Golosov, Partiinye Sistemy Rossii i Stran Vostochnoi Evropy
(Moscow, Ves Mir: 1999).
25 See, C. Ross, ‘Political parties and regionaldemocracy in Russia’, in C. Ross
(ed.), Regional Politics in Russia (Manchester: Manchester