Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 36 items for :

  • "regional representatives" x
  • All content x
Clear All
Professional politicians and regional institutions in Catalonia and Scotland
Series: Devolution
Author: Klaus Stolz

Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.

Abstract only
Niilo Kauppi

discourse that concentrates on a unified, republican France: a more democratic Europe where non-Christians, the unemployed, women and regional representatives would also have a public voice. In the Finnish elections, institutional and symbolic structuration led to the social construction of a specific type of non-political European representative that stands in contrast to the traditional political representative. The elected diplomat is chosen more on the basis of her or his personal cultural resources than of the traditional collective political resources she or he

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Chris Duke, Michael Osborne, and Bruce Wilson

contribute to business innovation; and • Glasgow universities, like those in Melbourne, grappled with the challenge of ‘co-opetition’, finding ways to collaborate within the context of an environment in which they were also competitors. Jämtland, Sweden During the second CDG visit, both university and regional representatives realised that benchmarking could be useful within their organisations if an appropriate group of people were gathered. It became clear that there were some differences between the region’s and the university’s views on their cooperation and

in A new imperative
Abstract only
A new Scotland in a changing Europe
Paolo Dardanelli

acknowledges that efforts should be made to associate the Scottish institutions with the central government where matters affecting Scotland are concerned and Scottish ministers do have the right to represent the UK in the Council in those circumstances. 4 However, this matters more on a symbolic level than on a practical one. As is the case for the similar arrangements in place in Belgium and Germany, regional ministers represent their state in the Council not their region/s. This is not usually a significant limitation for regional representatives of largely symmetrical

in Between two Unions
Philip Ollerenshaw

Advisory Committees; to address difficulties in the increase of output; to convey proposals for the expansion of industrial capacity in the area; and to inform London of any problems with priority of contracts. To assist with these tasks, the Boards were permitted to set up Advisory Panels on an industrial or geographical basis.6 Each area had a Regional Representative, who in the main had an engineering background, and an Area Officer. It took some time to fill all the positions. As far as Northern Ireland was concerned, W. D. Scott, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry

in Northern Ireland in the Second World War
Niilo Kauppi

criteria should parties use to select their candidates for European Parliament elections? Should the candidates be 'Europeans', experts, regional representatives or solely the representatives of political parties? Elections to the European Parliament exhibit at least two general characteristics. First, in all European Union countries, the post of MEP is less valued than other elected national representatives or deputies. In France, MEPs do not have the educational characteristics that correlate with positions of national political power (see Chapter 5). As the European

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Niilo Kauppi

for ascending trajectories (e.g. leaving for a senior ministerial position), 45 per cent for stable trajectories, and 35 per cent for descending trajectories. The high percentages of stable trajectories in both cases might indicate that entry to these levels takes place mostly in other, close positions (such as that of deputy, regional representative, or member of ministerial cabinet) and that it is difficult to capitalise on the kind of political resources available in European institutions. The high per centage of descending trajectories for Commissioners can be

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Klaus Stolz

Christopher Harvie’s account of that time, where he states: ‘Scots increasingly see their future in a settlement in which European authority imposes a devolution of power’ (Harvie, 1994 : 219). And indeed, only a couple of years later, in 1999, Tony Blair’s New Labour government finally established regional parliaments and assemblies in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This new devolution settlement in which Westminster handed down legislative competencies to regional representative bodies can be seen as ‘the most radical constitutional change … since the Great Reform

in The road to Brexit
Abstract only
Brian Stoddart

those of (Sir) Pelham Warner, born into a Trinidadian family of prominence and who became one of the great English cricket bosses. 6 The importance of all this was underlined by the involvement of Great Britian’s official regional representatives who, along with donating the important competitive trophies, also promoted the uptake of the game. As elsewhere in Britain’s colonies, the Oxbridge-educated civil servants of

in The imperial game