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This book addresses the major theoretical and practical issues of the forms of citizenship and access to citizenship in different types of polity, and the specification and justification of rights of non-citizen immigrants as well as non-resident citizens. It also addresses the conditions under which norms governing citizenship can legitimately vary. The book discusses the principles of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). They complement each other because they serve distinct purposes of democratic inclusion. The book proposes that democratic inclusion principles specify a relation between an individual or group that has an inclusion claim and a political community that aims to achieve democratic legitimacy for its political decisions and institutions. It contextualizes the principle of stakeholder inclusion, which provides the best answer to the question of democratic boundaries of membership, by applying it to polities of different types. The book distinguishes state, local and regional polities and argues that they differ in their membership character. It examines how a principle of stakeholder inclusion applies to polities of different types. The book illustrates the difference between consensual and automatic modes of inclusion by considering the contrast between birthright acquisition of citizenship, which is generally automatic, and naturalization, which requires an application.
, local and regional polities and argue that they differ in their membership character, which I identify as birthright-based, residential and derivative respectively. My conclusion is again that these are not alternative conceptions of political community but complementary ones. Each supports the realization of specific political values (of continuity, mobility and union) and taken together local, state and regional polities form nested
). This war memory aligned with Anglosphere notions of an English-speaking defence of liberty against totalitarianism and tyranny during the twentieth century. It was a major source of inspiration for the view that the world was a safer and better place when the English-speaking peoples acted in concert and were not divided by regional polities like the European Union. It was this perspective that allowed Brexiteers to appear sympathetic towards the EU’s ‘Nobel narrative’, but also claim that this history was not ‘our’ history. Thus a vote for Brexit could be portrayed
mobilisation of domestic actors directly in the transnational arena through their involvement in multilevel policy networks, where they represent one out of many competing actors. Multilevel governance carries at least two important meanings in relation to national sovereignty. First, there is a notion of a single, albeit pluralistic and asymmetrical, regional polity, within which sovereignty is dispersed among competing political actors which chose to bypass their central national authorities in their dealings with Brussels. The European polity thus transcends the
institutionally diffused Catalan political class as well as the strongly focused, parliament- based Scottish political class have displaced unelected elites from the centre stage of the regional polity. As elected professional politicians, their self-interest coincided with the democratic demand for the primacy of representative politics over technocratic administrative rule or management by corporate organisations. Thus, their very existence has been stabilising regional democracy in both cases. Pursuing their self-interest in career maintenance, however, both professional
particularisation. Third, if these are the globally relevant lessons from post-colonial experiences of governance, conflict resolution, and peacebuilding, what are the lessons that a post-colonial country, or a post-Westphalian regional polity, like India and the EU draw for themselves? When we look at the Indian experiences chronicled in this book, we may point out few possible areas of further enquiry, such as: is peace in the NorthEast (or Kashmir) possible without breaking the jinx of the nation-state? The continuity of the colonial policy of pacification and a fundamental
national economic, social and political lives. It is a complex process of redefining established institutions and practices and has two main effects. First, political integration translates into a series of transformations inside national and regional politics. This includes changes in political and administrative practices. Second, political integration signifies the constitution of a new sector shared with other national and regional polities. This common European sector or Eurosphere is relatively autonomous, centred on European institutions such as the European
Irish Sea littoral. To be an earl was to hold a privileged social place among the aristocracy, and earls were obvious focal points of regional polities. Crouch suggests that it was John’s desire to counterbalance the Lacys against William Marshal’s potential dominance in the region that prompted Hugh’s elevation as earl of Ulster. There is much to recommend Crouch’s argument. Hugh’s belting on 25 May occurred as relations between William Marshal and King John were at their nadir. John had granted William leave to come to terms with King Philip Augustus in order to
historical context of Worsley Man During the late Iron Age, the region was under the supra-regional polity of the Brigantes tribe ( Figure 7.9 ). Smaller sub-tribal entities have been proposed through close reading of Ptolemy’s second century AD Geographia (including the Carvetii and Latenses to the north and Setantii to the north-west), but we have little epigraphy or coinage belonging to smaller tribal septs apart from a milestone for the Corvetii from Brougham (Philpott 2006 : 62). Cheshire was the terrain of the Cornovii, with the Coritani to the south-east and
. This duo of actual (and seemingly paradoxical) political developments – at the Introduction 17 EU and state-level – forms a clear and ready basis for testing theoretical reflection. This study of Northern Ireland and the EU contributes to that discussion and does so using the following structure. Chapter outlines The process of dissecting and disentangling the dynamics of Northern Ireland’s changing relationship with the EU requires both a historical and a contemporary overview of the regional polity. It also demands an examination of the different dimensions of