Britain's Chief Rabbis were attempting to respond to the new religious climate, and deployed a variety of tactics to achieve their aims. This book presents a radical new interpretation of Britain's Chief Rabbis from Nathan Adler to Immanuel Jakobovits. It examines the theologies of the Chief Rabbis and seeks to reveal and explain their impact on the religious life of Anglo-Jewry. The book begins with the study of Nathan Marcus Adler, Chief Rabbi from 1845, and it then explores how in 1880 Hermann Adler became Delegate Chief Rabbi on his father's semi-retirement to Brighton. In the pre-modern era, and for a while after, rabbis saw themselves and were seen as the heirs of the rabbinic tradition, whose role first and foremost was to rule on matters of religious law. The book argues that the Chief Rabbis' response to modernity should be viewed in the context of Jewish religious responses that emerged following the Enlightenment and Emancipation. It sketches out a possible typology of those responses, so that Chief Rabbis can be placed in that context. Chief Rabbis were members of the acknowledgement school, which contained a number of different theological currents: romantic, scientific, aesthetic and nostalgic. Hermann Adler was the Chief Rabbi during his time, and his religious policies were to a great extent motivated by his religious ideas. Joseph Herman Hertz's theology placed him in the traditional group within the acknowledgement school, although he was influenced by its scientific, romantic and aesthetic branches.
than his own. Finally I look at see how Zionism ﬁtted into Hertz’s theological outlook. Having established Hertz’s religiousattitudes, I trace
their origins, identify Hertz’s religious and intellectual inspirations, and
then contrast Hertz’s views with those of Jewish religious leaders with
different attitudes and see how Hertz’s approach can be seen as a reaction to those attitudes and as interventions in an ongoing debate within
Judaism. As with Adler, we examine Hertz’s theology for two reasons:
ﬁrst, because it is worthy of study in its own right, but
intention to compare Stow’s nostalgic perceptions with reality. This essay
has the more limited aim of scrutinising and nuancing what might be called
Originally published in Imagining Early Modern London: Perceptions and portrayals of the City
from Stow to Strype, edited by J. Merritt (Cambridge, 2001). Reproduced by permission of
Cambridge University Press.
Stow’s selective nostalgia, relating it to a religious position and religiousattitudes which were evidently in a process of evolution throughout the forty
years of his antiquarian activity. To this
Chapter 1 revisits the orthodox position that the tradition of Gothic writing is anti-Catholic. Even though Horace Walpole, author of The Castle of Otranto, was a Member of Parliament, belonging to the Church of England, his attitudes towards Catholicism were ambiguous. This is significant for a neglected reading of his novel, relating to the Henrician Reformation, which brought about the secession of Britain from Rome. The Catholic Church, when it came to be regarded as the enemy, was perceived as an institutional dangerous body, in which the Other was subjected to intense and relentless persecution, involving torture and execution. The novel of Inquisition will be put to the question over whether its ostensible opposition to Catholicism masked different agendas much nearer home. The bleeding body, as a site of the sacred and profane, opens up a conduit for reassessing religious attitudes of various Protestant Gothic novelists. In Matthew Lewis’s The Monk, the character of the Bleeding Nun will be discussed as a parody of the mystical stigmatic within Catholic tradition. Her blood line of demonic stigmatics will be traced from Lewis and his imitators up to Bram Stoker’s Dracula
This collection explores how concepts of intellectual or learning disability evolved from a range of influences, gradually developing from earlier and decidedly distinct concepts, including ‘idiocy’ and ‘folly’, which were themselves generated by very specific social and intellectual environments. With essays extending across legal, educational, literary, religious, philosophical, and psychiatric histories, this collection maintains a rigorous distinction between historical and contemporary concepts in demonstrating how intellectual disability and related notions were products of the prevailing social, cultural, and intellectual environments in which they took form, and themselves performed important functions within these environments. Focusing on British and European material from the middle ages to the late nineteenth century, this collection asks ‘How and why did these concepts form?’ ‘How did they connect with one another?’ and ‘What historical circumstances contributed to building these connections?’ While the emphasis is on conceptual history or a history of ideas, these essays also address the consequences of these defining forces for the people who found themselves enclosed by the shifting definitional field.
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
itinerant preachers and teachers. Not surprisingly most of the region was carried for
CLANSHIP TO CROFTERS’ WAR
the Free Church when the great division eventually came. In the immediate
aftermath of the Disruption the scarcity of Gaelic-speaking ministers meant that the
Church had to rely on the lay religious elite, the Men and the itinerant teachers, to
ensure the continued loyalty of the people.
This extraordinary transformation in religiousattitude and commitment
necessarily begs the question of the extent to which the spiritual revolution was
the housemaid. For him, each day can be a new start after behaving
badly. The religiousattitude of others is also often portrayed as hypocritical, but it is possible that, in a way, Hearne sets a standard for belief
and behaviour which is higher, more rigorous and honest than that of
other characters in the novel.
Although Judith Hearne is not regarded as a ‘religious person’,
this only means that she does not get involved in church affairs and
enterprises, not that she doesn’t believe. Her aunt’s advice has been
‘Prayer and a rigorous attention to one’s religious
Fénelon’s approval of James Stuart. Riding
on the back of the immense popularity of Télémaque, Ramsay used his role as
editor to portray Fénelon as a purveyor of divine right monarchy and religious
toleration. Both of these claims were erroneous, but had a lasting effect on the
legacy of the Archbishop.
Conversely, Fénelon was rather vociferous in his denunciation of religious
schism and was particularly determined to eradicate Jansenism. Although
religiousattitudes reinforced Fénelon’s convictions regarding moral character
and virtue as a political pedagogue and
Discourse , Ascham explained that in the present condition men
killed each other rather ‘for civil than for ecclesiastick
causes’. ‘Every difference in religion makes not another
religion’. Espousing the religiousattitudes of the Independents,
as the emphasis on inward faith rather than on ‘conformity to
visible ceremonies’, on the limitation of human understanding of
God, and therefore on the difficulty