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The Muscovy Company and Giles Fletcher, the elder (1546–1611)

This book tells the story of English relations with Russia, from the 'strange and wonderfull discoverie' of the land and Elizabeth I's correspondence with Ivan the Terrible, to the corruption of the Muscovy Company and the Elizabethan regime's censorship of politically sensitive representations of Russia. Focusing on the life and works of Giles Fletcher, the elder, ambassador to Russia in 1588, it explores two popular themes in Elizabethan history: exploration, travel and trade and late Elizabethan political culture. The book draws together and analyses the narratives of travel, the practicalities of trade and the discourses of commonwealth and corruption that defined English encounters in late sixteenth century. In the early stages of English mercantile contact with Russia, diplomatic negotiations took shape in the wake of developing trade relations and were made up of a series of ad hoc embassies by individuals. The embassy of Giles Fletcher in 1588, however, represented a change in diplomatic tack. Fletcher's writing of Russia reveals some shared Elizabethan images of the land on Christendom's periphery and fundamentally how Russia was used as a site to reflect on themes of cultural development, commonwealth, trade and colonisation. The extensive use in Fletcher's text of the language of anti-popery points to resonances with the anxieties that riddled the political and religious consciences of late Elizabethan England. His work engaged in cajoling the commonwealth to think with the image of Russia.

Russia’s resonances in late Elizabethan England
Felicity Jane Stout

instance, Fletcher’s unconcealed hostility to Catholicism was displayed in his conspiracy theory regarding the patriarch’s behaviour. According to Fletcher, the proposal of the translation of the see from Constantinople to Moscow clearly had more than a trace of the Antichrist mastermind about it. 167 Exploring Russia in the Elizabethan commonwealth The extensive use in Fletcher’s text of the language of anti-popery points to resonances with the anxieties and concerns that riddled the political and religious consciences and contexts of late Elizabethan England

in Exploring Russia in the Elizabethan commonwealth
Rachel Foxley

the knowledge of this [religious truth] more then of any other thing; it must therefore either be infused by God, or begoten in us by discourse and examination as other things are.’42 The Leveller theory of liberty of conscience in  religion Freedom of religious conscience was a central Leveller concern from the embry­­onic stages of the movement onwards. Scholars in the first half of the twentieth century, fleshing out a picture of a genuinely ‘puritan revolution’, did not find this problematic: naturally the greatest advocates of political liberty would also

in The Levellers
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Rachel Foxley

constituency, but the overthrow of one constitution and the establishment of another could not be justified simply by God’s providence. The fact that the Levellers wanted a popularly subscribed Agreement of the People to ground the new constitution was a signal of their positive valuation of the people, and of secular reason as well as religious conscience. Again, the men of the New Model Army, along with the Levellers, were instrumental in the campaign which led to the death of Charles I. For some of the army men, there was great appeal in the Levellers’ sweeping depiction

in The Levellers
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Nadia Kiwan

, and that Islam and laïcité are and should be reconciled since laïcité guarantees not only the separation of the State and religion but also the freedom of religious conscience. I refer to these voices as ‘secular Muslim voices’ and they emanate from a small number of prolific and engaged intellectuals who actively seek, via their publications, public interventions and media appearances, to reconcile islamité and laïcité in twenty-​first century France. It should be noted that although many of the figures who feature in this book engage with the Quran and Islamic

in Secularism, Islam and public intellectuals in contemporary France
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David J. Appleby

Bartholomew’s Day claim that their actions or omissions were dictated by religious conscience was not lost on Cavalier-Anglicans, for whom the very phrase ‘tender conscience’ had quickly become an anathema. In the same way that the Bartholomeans did not aspire to be rebels, they had not looked to become martyrs. However, since the passage of the Act of Uniformity had made persecution all but inevitable, the nonconformist preachers quickly began to embrace the concept. The fact that Pauline scripture was the most prevalent source of sermon texts in the Bartholomean corpus

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
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The respectable face of troublemaking
Helen McCarthy

Introduction: the respectable face of troublemaking During the first of his Ford lectures of 1956, AJP Taylor drew an analogy with religious conscience in order to distinguish the great dissenters of British foreign policy of the previous two centuries from the mere critics: ‘A conforming member of the Church of England can disagree with the Bishops and, I understand, often does. A Dissenter believes that Bishops should not exist.’ The same rule, Taylor insisted, applied in foreign affairs. ‘A man can disagree with a particular line of British foreign policy

in The British people and the League of Nations
The Albanian mafia
Xavier Raufer

. Our, western European, society is individualist. The individual is practically the only motor and actor in social life. Getting involved in a party, acting as a militant in a union, taking up a religion or joining an association are personal acts relevant to the political, social or religious conscience of an individual. In the albanophone area of the Balkans this is absolutely not the case. War, guerrilla, clans and the like should be less compared to western European society but 68 The Albanian mafia rather to, say, Lebanon during the civil war (1975–90). In the

in Potentials of disorder
Marco Barducci

civil and religious conscience against any kind of outward oppression (especially that associated with Anglican and Presbyterian ecclesiology and orthodoxy), 15 and more ‘conservative’ ones, such as the opposition to the politics of centralisation of the state promoted by Charles I, which drew on ancient constitutionalism and common law. 16 The phenomenon of seventeenth-century English radicalism

in Order and conflict
Empire Day and the 1924 Wembley Exhibition
Brad Beaven

Over June 1932, the vast majority of letters published in the Midland Daily Telegraph supported Aylward and called for her reinstatement. Moreover, of these supportive letters most congratulated Aylward on her anti-imperial position rather than expressing sympathy for her religious conscience. For example, one correspondent called for children to be withdrawn from schools during Empire Day adding

in Visions of empire