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A royal city in a time of revolution

This book examines the varied and fascinating ways in which the series of non-monarchical regimes of England’s civil wars and interregnum interacted with the unique locality and community of Westminster. Westminster (as opposed to London) was traditionally viewed as the ‘royal’ city – the site of Whitehall Palace and the royal courts of justice, its Abbey reputed to be the ‘house of kings’, and its inhabitants assumed to be instinctive followers of the monarch and the royal court. Westminster emerges in this study as a site of extraordinary ambiguities and juxtapositions. The promoters of vigorous moral reformation and a sustained and often intrusive military presence coexisted uneasily with the area’s distinctive forms of elite sociability and luxury. The state’s foremost godly preachers performed in close proximity to royalist churchmen. More generally, the forces of political, religious and cultural conservatism can be observed on the very doorstep of parliament and non-monarchical regimes. Yet for Westminster as a whole, this was the time when the locality became tied to the state more tightly than ever before, while at key moments the town’s distinctive geography and local government played a significant role in shaping the political crises of the period. Chapters analyse the crisis of 1640-42, the use of Westminster’s iconic buildings and spaces by the non-monarchical regimes, the sustained military occupation of the locality, the problems of political allegiance and local government, the religious divisions and practices of the period, and the problematic revival of fashionable society in a time of political tension.

This book considers how biblical women were read, appropriated and debated in a wide range of early modern texts. It traverses a range of genres and examines literature written by a variety of confessionally diverse writers. By considering literature intended for assorted audiences, the book showcases the diverse contexts in which the Bible's women were deployed, and illuminates the transferability of biblical appreciation across apparent religious divisions. The book has been split into two sections. Part One considers women and feminine archetypes of the Old Testament, and the chapters gathered in Part Two address the New Testament. This structure reflects the division of Scripture in early modern Bibles and speaks to the contemporary method of reading the Bible from the Old Testament to the New Testament. In spite of this division, the chapters regularly make cross references between the two Testaments highlighting how, in line with the conventions of early modern exegesis, they were understood to exist in a reciprocal relationship. Within each section, the chapters are broadly organised according to the sequential appearance of the women/feminine archetypes in the Bible. The biblical women studied extend from Eve in Genesis to the Whore of Babylon in Revelation. The chapters vary between those that examine dominant trends in appropriation to those that consider appropriations of a particular interest group or individual.

The machinery of the Elizabethan war effort in the counties

-term political crisis: the motivation of the council here was not simply the effectiveness of government or the defence against invasion – although clearly these were important as well. COUNTY GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS DIVISION The way in which the lieutenancy was revived in 1585 serves as an example of broader patterns in the management of Elizabethan government. Over the first few decades of the reign, the regime continued to find it difficult to mould local government into forms which satisfied its functional and ideological requirements. Local government was still not doing

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties

Historians, religion and the historical record 2 Historians, religion and the historical record The origins of Enlightenment anticlericalism The politico-religious convulsions across Europe from the Reformation until the eighteenth century were numerous and bloody. The resulting religious divisions were enshrined in confessional states, but, as with the cases of Protestant England and Catholic France, religious minorities remained persecuted and disabled. It would have been truly miraculous if many Christians had not wearied of the constant conflict between

in The Enlightenment and religion
Fear and corruption

Continuing the discussion of the previous chapter, this chapter observes how political and religious divisions continued to shape Britain and its ideology. After the Act of Settlement (1701), opposition to the revolutionary settlement from the Jacobites saw an upsurge in their activities. Under the (‘pretended’) claimant James Francis Edward Stuart (1688-1766), Louis XIV’s backing of the Jacobites struck fear into the British who dreaded a French-led invasion. Following the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), the accession of the Hanoverian King George I (1714) and failed Jacobite uprising in 1715-16 these fears were quashed. Other tensions and the growing importance of commercial activity, however, led to concerns regarding public virtue and political corruption. Discussion of British ideology during this period reveals the trepidations and solutions offered to consolidate government virtue and society in the commercial age.

in Ideas of monarchical reform
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

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presence of neutral Éire. This ‘incredible complexity’ has led historians to exclude Northern Ireland from discussion of wartime national identity.14 Nonetheless it is evident that regardless of political and religious divisions, young women believed to be sexually promiscuous were regarded as a threat to societal stability and identity. These fears were undoubtedly heightened by the conditions of war and the arrival of large numbers of foreign troops, which made the issue of female sexuality more pertinent and visible. Several decades after the end of the war and

in Regulating sexuality
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. It is often believed that the religious wars were just a bloody interlude in a linear development whose beginnings are visible by the end of the fifteenth century and which led necessarily to the absolutism of Louis XIV. This bespeaks a teleological conception of history, driven by an improbable determinism. It overlooks the fact that the tragedy of 24 August clearly highlighted the key question raised by the religious division. In order to prevent such horrors in future, should the monarchy become either absolute or one moderated by institutions exercising some

in The Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre
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may be blamed in part for religious divisions of the seventeenth century, but in a very different fashion. The political classes in England largely made the change to the new religion but soon found that it began to fragment in various ways which were to take their toll on parliamentary politics in the seventeenth century. In Ireland, Protestant divisions were vastly overshadowed by the fact that a substantial majority of the population was Catholic. This majority was being systematically excluded from most positions of influence. Finally, Ireland had an ethnic

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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Imagining socialism and communism in Algeria

Christianity were both imagined international communities and aspirant global religions. In Algeria religious divisions reinforced the great social and political divisions between the settler and indigenous populations: Europeans were overwhelmingly Christian, while the Algerian majority was overwhelmingly Muslim. While the secular French state and its European settlers imposed an anti-Islamic secularisation

in We are no longer in France