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A royal city in a time of revolution
Author: J. F. Merritt

This book examines the varied and fascinating ways in which the series of non-monarchical regimes of England’s civil wars and interregnum interacted with the unique locality and community of Westminster. Westminster (as opposed to London) was traditionally viewed as the ‘royal’ city – the site of Whitehall Palace and the royal courts of justice, its Abbey reputed to be the ‘house of kings’, and its inhabitants assumed to be instinctive followers of the monarch and the royal court. Westminster emerges in this study as a site of extraordinary ambiguities and juxtapositions. The promoters of vigorous moral reformation and a sustained and often intrusive military presence coexisted uneasily with the area’s distinctive forms of elite sociability and luxury. The state’s foremost godly preachers performed in close proximity to royalist churchmen. More generally, the forces of political, religious and cultural conservatism can be observed on the very doorstep of parliament and non-monarchical regimes. Yet for Westminster as a whole, this was the time when the locality became tied to the state more tightly than ever before, while at key moments the town’s distinctive geography and local government played a significant role in shaping the political crises of the period. Chapters analyse the crisis of 1640-42, the use of Westminster’s iconic buildings and spaces by the non-monarchical regimes, the sustained military occupation of the locality, the problems of political allegiance and local government, the religious divisions and practices of the period, and the problematic revival of fashionable society in a time of political tension.

This book considers how biblical women were read, appropriated and debated in a wide range of early modern texts. It traverses a range of genres and examines literature written by a variety of confessionally diverse writers. By considering literature intended for assorted audiences, the book showcases the diverse contexts in which the Bible's women were deployed, and illuminates the transferability of biblical appreciation across apparent religious divisions. The book has been split into two sections. Part One considers women and feminine archetypes of the Old Testament, and the chapters gathered in Part Two address the New Testament. This structure reflects the division of Scripture in early modern Bibles and speaks to the contemporary method of reading the Bible from the Old Testament to the New Testament. In spite of this division, the chapters regularly make cross references between the two Testaments highlighting how, in line with the conventions of early modern exegesis, they were understood to exist in a reciprocal relationship. Within each section, the chapters are broadly organised according to the sequential appearance of the women/feminine archetypes in the Bible. The biblical women studied extend from Eve in Genesis to the Whore of Babylon in Revelation. The chapters vary between those that examine dominant trends in appropriation to those that consider appropriations of a particular interest group or individual.

Steve Cunniffe and Terry Wyke

Oliver Cromwells historical reputation underwent significant change during the nineteenth century. Writers such as Thomas Carlyle were prominent in this reassessment, creating a Cromwell that found particular support among Nonconformists in the north of England. Projects to memorialize Cromwell included the raising of public statues. This article traces the history of the Manchester statue, the first major outdoor statue of Cromwell to be unveiled in the country. The project originated among Manchester radical Liberal Nonconformists in the early 1860s but was not realized until 1875. It was the gift of Elizabeth Heywood; the sculptor was Matthew Noble. The project, including its intended site in Manchesters new Town Hall, was contentious, exposing political and religious divisions within the community, reinforcing the view that the reassessment of Cromwells place in the making of modern Britain was far from settled.

Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
The machinery of the Elizabethan war effort in the counties
Neil Younger

-term political crisis: the motivation of the council here was not simply the effectiveness of government or the defence against invasion – although clearly these were important as well. COUNTY GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS DIVISION The way in which the lieutenancy was revived in 1585 serves as an example of broader patterns in the management of Elizabethan government. Over the first few decades of the reign, the regime continued to find it difficult to mould local government into forms which satisfied its functional and ideological requirements. Local government was still not doing

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
S.J. Barnett

Historians, religion and the historical record 2 Historians, religion and the historical record The origins of Enlightenment anticlericalism The politico-religious convulsions across Europe from the Reformation until the eighteenth century were numerous and bloody. The resulting religious divisions were enshrined in confessional states, but, as with the cases of Protestant England and Catholic France, religious minorities remained persecuted and disabled. It would have been truly miraculous if many Christians had not wearied of the constant conflict between

in The Enlightenment and religion
Jordan S. Downs

increasingly found themselves preoccupied by other incipient political and religious divisions – divisions which, in the wake of England’s adoption of the Solemn League and Covenant, were slowly coalescing around presbyterians and independents, diffuse and problematic labels which contemporaries were often quicker to apply than define, and which have subsequently attracted considerable scholarly attention

in Civil war London
Fear and corruption
Andrew Mansfield

Continuing the discussion of the previous chapter, this chapter observes how political and religious divisions continued to shape Britain and its ideology. After the Act of Settlement (1701), opposition to the revolutionary settlement from the Jacobites saw an upsurge in their activities. Under the (‘pretended’) claimant James Francis Edward Stuart (1688-1766), Louis XIV’s backing of the Jacobites struck fear into the British who dreaded a French-led invasion. Following the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), the accession of the Hanoverian King George I (1714) and failed Jacobite uprising in 1715-16 these fears were quashed. Other tensions and the growing importance of commercial activity, however, led to concerns regarding public virtue and political corruption. Discussion of British ideology during this period reveals the trepidations and solutions offered to consolidate government virtue and society in the commercial age.

in Ideas of monarchical reform
Abstract only
Leanne McCormick

presence of neutral Éire. This ‘incredible complexity’ has led historians to exclude Northern Ireland from discussion of wartime national identity.14 Nonetheless it is evident that regardless of political and religious divisions, young women believed to be sexually promiscuous were regarded as a threat to societal stability and identity. These fears were undoubtedly heightened by the conditions of war and the arrival of large numbers of foreign troops, which made the issue of female sexuality more pertinent and visible. Several decades after the end of the war and

in Regulating sexuality
Abstract only
Mark Kishlansky’s revolution
Paul D. Halliday, Eleanor Hubbard, and Scott Sowerby

sinning. If the opposition to the King had emerged only in the 1640s, then we might reasonably suspect that its emergence was largely a function of his policies; but, in Mark’s new telling, the opposition had begun almost before Charles had done anything worth opposing, and its roots lay in religious divisions and fiscal problems that preceded his accession. 16 This new emphasis on the early growth of opposition to Charles was not necessarily a repudiation of Mark’s earlier work, for he had always left open the possibility that the growth of adversary politics in the

in Revolutionising politics

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.