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The domestic politics of Putin

This book shows the impact of twenty-first-century security concerns on the way Russia is ruled. It demonstrates how President Vladimir Putin has wrestled with terrorism, immigration, media freedom, religious pluralism, and economic globalism, and argues that fears of a return to old-style authoritarianism oversimplify the complex context of contemporary Russia. Since the early 1990s, Russia has been repeatedly analysed in terms of whether it is becoming a democracy or not. This book instead focuses on the internal security issues common to many states in the early twenty-first century, and places them in the particular context of Russia, the world's largest country, still dealing with its legacy of communism and authoritarianism. Detailed analysis of the place of security in Russia's political discourse and policy making reveals nuances often missing from overarching assessments of Russia today. To characterise the Putin regime as the ‘KGB-resurgent’ is to miss vital continuities, contexts, and on-going political conflicts that make up the contemporary Russian scene. The book draws together current debates about whether Russia is a ‘normal’ country developing its own democratic and market structures, or a nascent authoritarian regime returning to the past. Drawing on extensive interviews and Russian source material, it argues that the growing security factor in Russia's domestic politics is neither ubiquitous nor unchallenged. It must be understood in the context of Russia's immediate history and the growing domestic security concerns of many states the world over.

James Bohman

longer captured by the model of religious conflict. These examples show that the greatest difficulty is not the everyday challenges to principles and standards of deliberation, but rather those conflicts that intersect at various levels, dimensions and domains in extremely diverse societies. The key to their solution is subjecting the regime of toleration to the regulative principle of equal standing or nonsubordination in an inclusive community. The defining historical moment of the liberal regime of toleration is the emergence of religious pluralism and the

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Jason Peacey, Robert G. Ingram and Alex W. Barber

politicians reckoned that the unhindered spread of information helped to create political and religious stability. Free speech soon became part of a series of accepted rights, including religious pluralism, toleration 5 INGRAM 9781526147103 PRINT.indd 5 12/03/2020 11:37 Freedom of speech, 1500–1850 and freedom of conscience. The wider public, eager to participate further in political life, also embraced the theories being advanced by government, and soon objected to all forms of censorship. By the middle of the eighteenth century, almost all English people believed that

in Freedom of speech, 1500–1850

This book offers historical reappraisals of freedom of speech and freedom of the press in the early modern anglophone world. Prompted by modern debates about whether or not limitations on free expression might be necessary given religious pluralism and concerns about hate speech, it brings together historians, political theorists and literary scholars, and offers a longue durée approach to the topic. It integrates religion into the history of free speech, and rethinks what is sometimes regarded as a coherent tradition of more or less absolutist justifications for free expression. Contributors examine the aims and effectiveness of government policies, the sometimes messy and contingent ways in which freedom of speech became a reality, and a wide range of canonical and non-canonical texts in which contemporaries outlined their ideas and ideals. It is shown that – on this issue at least – the period from 1500 to 1850 is a coherent one, in terms of how successive governments reflected on the possibility of regulation, and in terms of claims that were and were not made for freedom of speech. While not denying that change can be detected across this period, in terms of both ideas and practices, it demonstrates that the issues, arguments and aims involved were more or less distinct from those that characterise modern debates. As a collection it will be of interest to religious and political historians, intellectual historians and literary scholars, and to anyone interested in the history of one of the most important and thorny issues in modern society.

A conceptual history 1200–1900

This collection explores how concepts of intellectual or learning disability evolved from a range of influences, gradually developing from earlier and decidedly distinct concepts, including ‘idiocy’ and ‘folly’, which were themselves generated by very specific social and intellectual environments. With essays extending across legal, educational, literary, religious, philosophical, and psychiatric histories, this collection maintains a rigorous distinction between historical and contemporary concepts in demonstrating how intellectual disability and related notions were products of the prevailing social, cultural, and intellectual environments in which they took form, and themselves performed important functions within these environments. Focusing on British and European material from the middle ages to the late nineteenth century, this collection asks ‘How and why did these concepts form?’ ‘How did they connect with one another?’ and ‘What historical circumstances contributed to building these connections?’ While the emphasis is on conceptual history or a history of ideas, these essays also address the consequences of these defining forces for the people who found themselves enclosed by the shifting definitional field.

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Karin Fischer

itself and from part of the English-speaking world (Britain, Canada and the USA) in this work makes it possible to show that school segregation, justified by communitarian models in the name of religious pluralism, has been challenged both within Ireland and internationally, and that these challenges are not the product of a strict, simplistic opposition between a communitarian, ‘Anglo-Saxon’ inspired model and a republican, French inspired one.5 It is indeed important to remember on the one hand that the ‘liberal vs communitarian’ debate is also internal to the

in Schools and the politics of religion and diversity in the Republic of Ireland
The development of Protestantism in Nantes, 1558–72
Elizabeth C. Tingle

. Church, Constitutional Thought in Sixteenth-Century France. A Study in the Evolution of Ideas (Cambridge, MA, 1941), pp. 78–9. 84 Matthew 12:25. 85 Du Preau, Harangue, p. iv. 86 Du Val, Mirouer des Calvinistes, p. 29. 87 Letter from Antoine de Crequi to the Cardinal of Lorraine, 27th October 1560, in Joxe, Les protestants du comté de Nantes, p. 70. 88 Du Val, Mirouer des Calvinistes, p. 9. 89 T. Watson, ‘“When is a Huguenot not a Huguenot”? Lyon 1525–1575’, in K. Cameron, M. Greengrass and P. Roberts, eds, The Adventure of Religious Pluralism in Early Modern France

in Authority and society in Nantes during the French wars of religion, 1559–98
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Making a success of the revolution
Tom Clark, Robert D. Putnam and Edward Fieldhouse

141 tradition of religious pluralism, faith tends to soften the edges of the cleavage between immigrants and native-born Americans. A very high proportion of US immigrants are co-religionists with native-born Americans (Catholics, evangelical Protestants, etc.), and since religion – of whatever form – is important to most Americans, both newcomers and natives, faith tends to blur or even outweigh the immigrant/ non-immigrant distinction. By contrast, a substantial fraction of UK immigrants are devout Muslims, whereas the vast majority of white Britons are

in The age of Obama
Church and state reimagined
Robert G. Ingram

on public worship.9 The Occasional Conformity and Schism Acts (1711, 1714) tried to undo some of the post-revolutionary settlement. But their repeal in 1719, along with routine indemnity acts – which softened the Test Act’s effects on Dissenters – at once confirmed and condoned England’s religious pluralism.10 It was a modus vivendi which pleased few and which fuelled yet more vitriolic public debate about the proper relation of Church to state. Mainstream early eighteenth-century English Protestant thought on the post-revolutionary religio-political order was

in Reformation without end
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Lionel Laborie

of society in the dawn of the ‘Great Awakening’. By contrast, the intensity of the debate on enthusiasm suggests that religious pluralism remained a highly sensitive issue in the aftermath of the Toleration Act. We too often assume that toleration appeased tensions between dissenters and the Church of England and that it put an end, as a result, to a constructed tradition of religious radicalism. Yet the premise of a denominational divide proves fundamentally flawed in light of the present case. For it would be simplistic to equate enthusiasm with dissent, when in

in Enlightening enthusiasm