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Criticisms, futures, alternatives

In the late 1990s Third Way governments were in power across Europe - and beyond, in the USA and Brazil, for instance. The Third Way experiment was one that attracted attention worldwide. The changes made by Left parties in Scandinavia, Holland, France or Italy since the late 1980s are as much part of Third Way politics as those developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. Since the early 1990s welfare reform has been at the heart of the Centre-Left's search for a new political middle way between post-war social democracy and Thatcherite Conservatism. For Tony Blair, welfare reform was key to establishing his New Labour credentials - just as it was for Bill Clinton and the New Democrats in the USA. Equality has been 'the polestar of the Left', and the redefinition of this concept by Giddens and New Labour marks a significant departure from post-war social democratic goals. The most useful way of approaching the problem of the Blair Government's 'Third Way' is to apply the term to its 'operational code': the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. The choice would be the strategy of public-private partnership (PPP) or the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), as applied to health policy. New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Repoliticisation is what stands out from all the contributions of reconstructing the Third Way along more progressive lines.

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Legal pluralism in the world society
Gunther Teubner

institutional support at the global level, it is closely coupled with globalised socio-economic processes and receives important impulses from them. Its relative distance from international politics and jus gentium will not protect global law from its re-politicisation. On the contrary, the very reconstruction of social and economic (trans)actions as a global legal process undermines its

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
Inter-regionalism and the crisis of globalisation
José Antonio Sanahuja
and
Jorge Damián Rodríguez

the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro, in Brazil, strongly raised the possibility of “flexibilisation” of MERCOSUR to turn it into an FTA, leaving behind the customs union, and making possible bilateral negotiations of its member countries. The renewed impetus given to the negotiations since 2016 had a marked political tone: it is framed in the defence of open trade, regionalism and the multilateral system, and can be seen as a political response to that globalisation crisis. This “re-politicisation” of the negotiation, as will be indicated, has been a decisive factor in

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
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culture and democracy
Justin O’Connor

also the elaboration of an alternative vision. It requires a clear recognition of the political effects of the creative industries performed as a crucial prelude to the repoliticisation of culture. By which I do not mean an absorption into politics per se, progressive or otherwise, but a clear rearticulation of the role culture plays in the polis, in the demos. For one of the most damaging impacts of

in Culture is not an industry
Gender (and) politics in Colombian women’s documentary
Deborah Martin

’ (Cine Mujer, 1987 : 11). Riascos, then, effects a feminist re-politicisation of documentary, as a response to contemporary calls for the inclusion of desire and fantasy as a legitimate political tool in women’s film. The making of La mirada coincided with a heightened debate in film theory around female spectatorship, particularly in Britain, where members of the collective had spent time (Cine Mujer

in Hispanic and Lusophone women filmmakers
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Gunther Teubner’s foundational paradox
Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos

itself from the paradoxical burden: ‘this explains why within protest movements, there is a growing potential for a repoliticisation, a re-regionalisation and a re-individualisation of processes of lawmaking that are no longer concentrated in the political system, but can be found in various different social subsectors’. Once again, this becomes a question of limits, or more precisely lack of limits. The law has become so

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
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The more things change the more they stay the same?
María J. García
and
Arantza Gómez Arana

), which “encouraged a ‘defensive convergence’ between the EU and Mercosur to ensure reciprocal access to their markets”. They argue that the repoliticisation of trade negotiations, casting these as a defence of the liberal order, and a window of opportunity in terms of timing (the desire to complete negotiations ahead of a change of EC and Argentine elections in October 2019) were also key factors encouraging the parties to make sufficient concessions to each other to conclude the agreement. This volume has shown how inter-regional relations have

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Open Access (free)
Unheard voices and invisible agency
Louise Amoore

section that follows, the treatment of production and work within IPE is discussed. Where workers are made visible in analysis, which workers feature and which remain excluded? Finally, a social practice approach to work is outlined and insights are drawn for the repoliticisation of work in IPE. It is argued that in order to restore and capture the social conflicts, tensions and compromises of the restructuring of work, it is necessary to address the concrete experiences of workers who are differentially positioned in the IPE of work. Given the explosion of working

in Globalisation contested
The shifting boundaries of politics in Norwegian healthcare
Anette Fagertun

-time and permanent positions create both job security and more continuity in the services (Klassekampen 2019 ). This is a move in the direction of making labour a political category and an acknowledgement of the consequences of atypical labour. The case described above on ‘full-time culture’ was a project at the organisational level of one NH – and the Oslo case is an example of policy at the local ‘statehood’ level. These cases might represent a kind of radical micro-politics, or a form of resistance, that potentially could spur a re-politicisation of labour in the

in Intimacy and mobility in an era of hardening borders
Will Leggett

more progressive lines, involves first and foremost its repoliticisation . A discourse which claims to have obliterated Left and Right when, as this volume shows, the terms still have real purchase will always be exposed by the irreducible nature of political conflict. By repoliticising the Third Way, its advocates can become explicit about their objectives, friends and enemies

in The Third Way and beyond