Patient autonomy did not just concern more say for individuals. Collective
representation of the interests of patient-consumers as a whole was an
important issue during the late 1960s and early 1970s. At this time, the
notion that the patient-consumer should be represented within health
services gathered political and practical impetus. A critical development
was the creation of the CHCs. Formed as part of the reorganisation of
the NHS in 1973, 207 CHCs were established in England and Wales, with
similar bodies in Scotland and Northern Ireland
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.
This book poses the question as to whether, over the last thirty years, there have been signs of ‘progress’ or ‘progressiveness’ in the representation of ‘marginalised’ or subaltern identity categories within television drama in Britain and the US. In doing so, it interrogates some of the key assumptions concerning the relationship between aesthetics and the politics of identity that have influenced and informed television drama criticism during this period. The book functions as a textbook because it provides students with a pathway through complex, wide-reaching and highly influential interdisciplinary terrain. Yet its re-evaluation of some of the key concepts that dominated academic thought in the twentieth century also make it of interest to scholars and specialists. Chapters examine ideas around politics and aesthetics emerging from Marxist-socialism and postmodernism, feminism and postmodern feminism, anti-racism and postcolonialism, queer theory and theories of globalisation, so as to evaluate their impact on television criticism and on television as an institution. These discussions are consolidated through case studies that offer analyses of a range of television drama texts including Big Women, Ally McBeal, Supply and Demand, The Bill, Second Generation, Star Trek (Enterprise), Queer as Folk, Metrosexuality and The Murder of Stephen Lawrence.
The hostage is the nonconsenting, the unchosen guarantee of a promise he
hasn’t made, the irreplaceable one who is not in his own place. It is through
the other that I am the same, through the other that I am myself: it is through
the other who has always withdrawn me from myself.1
Pinned up on the wall above my desk at the University of Manchester is a
newspaper print black and white photograph of a young Orthodox priest
standing on the flagstones against the wall of a Kosovo monastery. It
production as negative, or should at least appear thus.
Because art in turn can in no sense allow that to its
works be attributed the function of an advisory
conscience hence letting the represented thing be seen
rather than the representation.
Within this chapter, citizens’ views of representation are interrogated. Combining workshop data and responses to the Party Survey, I ask what it is that citizens want in terms of representation, and how they currently see representation to be performed. Looking at three aspects of representation, I argue that, at present, parties are not seen to realise many citizens’ ideals. Specifically, I show that many respondents want parties to balance representative styles, but perceive them to neglect trustee and, in particular, delegate styles (whilst appearing to meet
this type of arrangement between groups and members. It follows that where many groups are found to ‘fail’ to embody this set of arrangements, the democratic basis for engaging groups more closely with governing processes is thrown into doubt.
In this chapter it is argued that the representation account does not serve us well in terms of setting the metrics with which one may go on to interpret empirical evidence of group democratic practice. Several objections are set out. It is maintained here that the expectations set by this frame are
Women’s substantive representation:
‘for women’ but not by women
The substantive representation of women refers to the representation of
women’s interests. This chapter considers how and in what ways the
party substantively represents women. Whilst previous research has
highlighted the importance of looking at who acts, or claims to act, for
women, this analysis of the Liberal Democrats also provides a useful
case study for exploring the substantive representation of women by
men. From a normative
Representation is a powerful force in world politics. As the production of meaning developed through language, symbols or signs, it is a significant factor in how we both construct reality and enact our performance of it. Representation conveys a particular understanding of the world around us, which is temporally situated and informed by events over time. Representation exposes power relationships and asymmetries that exist within practices of identity politics, precisely because representation is a form of abstraction and interpretation. 1
tool for a whole current of cinematic thinking. It is therefore not
surprising that history in its more casually accepted sense, and its cinematic representation,
should also undergo reconsideration in the 1970s.
Debate on the links between cinema and history had two main strands; the
first, which does not particularly concern us here, concerned the relationship of documentary
footage and archive material to the events and periods that they represent (see Cahiers du
cinéma 1975 ; Comolli 1977 ; Gervais 1970 ), and had its