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John Toland and the crisis of Christian culture, 1696–1722

This book explores the life, thought and political commitments of the free-thinker John Toland (1670–1722). Studying both his private archive and published works, it illustrates how he moved in both subversive and elite political circles in England and abroad. The book explores the connections between Toland's republican political thought and his irreligious belief about Christian doctrine, the ecclesiastical establishment and divine revelation, arguing that far from being a marginal and insignificant figure, he counted queens, princes and government ministers as his friends and political associates. In particular, Toland's intimate relationship with the Electress Sophia of Hanover saw him act as a court philosopher, but also as a powerful publicist for the Hanoverian succession. The book argues that he shaped the republican tradition after the Glorious Revolution into a practical and politically viable programme, focused not on destroying the monarchy but on reforming public religion and the Church of England. It also examines how Toland used his social intimacy with a wide circle of men and women (ranging from Prince Eugene of Savoy to Robert Harley) to distribute his ideas in private. The book explores the connections between his erudition and print culture, arguing that his intellectual project was aimed at compromising the authority of Christian ‘knowledge’ as much as the political power of the Church. Overall, it illustrates how Toland's ideas and influence impacted upon English political life between the 1690s and the 1720s.

Are there agreed components?
Sophie A. Whiting

and the decision makers. The French and American revolutions reshaped republicanism by removing its monarchical and aristocratic tendencies and applying it to whole nations rather than just small states or communities, as well as attaching modern democratic principles, such as freedom, interdependence and civic virtue to collectively provide the foundations of liberty, equality and fraternity, which are discussed further below. Principles and aspirations Republican political thought goes far deeper than a form of government in which sovereignty rests with the people

in Spoiling the peace?
Justin Champion

This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this book, which is about the republican political thought of free-thinker John Toland. The first part deals with what we might call the material and social infrastructure for Toland's ‘life of the mind’. The second part of the book explores the dimensions of Toland's political arguments and examines how he used printed work to communicate with a public audience in an attempt to convince them of the best strategy for compromising the tyranny of clerical politics.

in Republican learning
Justin Champion

This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the republican political thought of free-thinker John Toland, which has shown that the challenges which he posed to religious commonplaces were not simply philosophical issues, but were fundamentally linked to the power of contemporary civic and ecclesiastical institutions. His cultural significance was determined not simply by the intelligence and acuity of his ideas, but by the fact that they were circulated in concert amongst the political elite and a wider public audience. Toland's affinity with people in power illustrates the role his ideas played in the elite circles of early eighteenth-century European politics, and indicates how receptive political and intellectual culture in the period was to the cultural intent of such ideas.

in Republican learning
Abstract only
Sophie A. Whiting

considering the evolution of republican political thought and its application within the Northern Irish context. Such an exploration of the roots of the tradition is necessary to determine how the many shapes and forms of Irish republicanism today deviate from the supposed principles, yet claim attachment to the same tradition. The chapter questions whether it is possible to define Irish republicanism through set principles. The intent of chapter 3 is to build upon the existing academic analysis examining the extent of ideological and political evolution within Sinn Féin

in Spoiling the peace?
Abstract only
Rachel Hammersley

addition, the English ideas were more flexible than those of the ancients. They could be applied in a strongly monarchical and aristocratic context, as in the writings of Bolingbroke and Boulainvilliers, but they proved equally effective in support of the staunchly anti-monarchical and democratic ideas of the Cordeliers. Similarly, they could be associated not only with the neo-Stoic moral philosophy that had traditionally been allied to republican political thought, but also with the neo-Epicurean ideas that became more influential during the course of the eighteenth

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France

This book is the first ever concordance to the rhymes of Spenser’s epic. It gives the reader unparalleled access to the formal nuts and bolts of this massive poem: the rhymes which he used to structure its intricate stanzas.

As well as the main concordance to the rhymes, the volume features a wealth of ancillary materials, which will be of value to both professional Spenserians and students, including distribution lists and an alphabetical listing of all the words in The Faerie Queene. The volume breaks new ground by including two studies by Richard Danson Brown and J. B. Lethbridge, so that the reader is given provocative analyses alongside the raw data about Spenser as a rhymer. Brown considers the reception of rhyme, theoretical models and how Spenser’s rhymes may be reading for meaning. Lethbridge in contrast discusses the formulaic and rhetorical character of the rhymes.

Martin McIvor

claim, then, is that an essential dimension of republican political thought is the difficult but necessary task of developing a theory of collective agency that is consistent with individual self-rule. Thus for Spinoza some form of political association was an inescapable consequence of our need for mutual protection and our desire for friendship or amicitia – an ‘affective’ interdependence that we cannot break but which, by means of our rational powers, we can at least comprehend and so master. In 1670 he wrote that ‘in a state or kingdom where the weal of the whole

in In search of social democracy
The ‘Scottish play’ within the play
Andrew Hadfield

the treatise bore the pseudonym, Stephanus Junius Brutus, the Celt, and the imprint, Edinburgh. The significance of these two details could hardly be clearer. In referring to the founder of the Roman republic who drove out the tyrannical dynasty of the Tarquins; after the rape of Lucrece, transforming him into a modern Celt, the authors were demonstrating that republican political thought had been

in Shakespeare and Scotland
David Manning

collection shall be kept in writing’. 28 This endeavour was borne of ‘collaborative authorship’ with the defining impetus coming from female minds, voices and hands. 29 Debora Shuger has ingeniously drawn the little academy out from the shadows of the Great Tew circle to show how its ‘spirit of heroic Christian feminism’ engaged with ‘republican political thought’ to foster a practical conviction that ‘intellectual labour could become integral to the devout life

in People and piety