James Chapman

3 Revisionist revivals HTV’s Arthur of the Britons and Southern Television’s The Black Arrow, which both aired in December 1972, were the first new British costume adventure series since Sir Francis Drake in 1961.1 Like the first wave of swashbucklers between 1955 and 1961, the second wave in the 1970s was the outcome of a particular set of institutional contexts in the British television industry. These included the restructuring of the ITV network following the allocation of new franchises in the late 1960s which brought new contractors into play, changes

in Swashbucklers
José Luís Fiori

national interests ( ibid .: 25–6): 1) Russia and China, the two great ‘revisionist powers’; 2) North Korea and Iran, two ‘rogue states’ that undermine geopolitical equilibrium in Northeast Asia and the Middle East; 3) ‘Jihadist terrorist groups’ and international criminal organisations that propagate violence and traffic drugs and arms. The document offers an extensive list of actions to be undertaken by the US to achieve strategic objectives and confront rivals, from controlling borders to increasing military expenditure and protecting competitive

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Britain and Australia 1900 to the present
Author: Neville Kirk

Explanations of working-class politics in Australia and Britain have traditionally been heavily rooted in domestic 'bread and butter', socio-economic factors, including the much-debated issue of social class. 'Traditional' and 'revisionist' accounts have greatly advanced our knowledge and understanding of labour movements in general and labour politics in particular. This book offers a pathbreaking comparative and trans-national study of the neglected influences of nation, empire and race. The study is about the development and electoral fortunes of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) from their formative years of the 1900s to the elections of 2010. Based upon extensive primary and secondary source-based research in Britain and Australia over several years, the book makes a new and original contribution to the fields of labour, imperial and 'British world' history. It offers the challenging conclusion that the forces of nation, empire and race exerted much greater influence upon Labour politics in both countries than suggested by 'traditionalists' and 'revisionists' alike. Labour sought a more democratic, open and just society, but, unlike the ALP, it was not a serious contender for political and social power. In both countries, the importance attached to the politics of loyalism is partly related to questions of place and space. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. The book also presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.

Views and perspectives
Stephen Meredith

, development and trajectory of Labour’s post-war ‘dominant coalition’. It surveys the broader historical and ideological terrain of the Labour right, and reviews attempts to disaggregate what many have considered to be Labour’s monolithic dominant ‘right-wing’ or revisionist tendency. It suggests that the Labour right was a complex, heterogeneous, loose coalition of tendencies, profoundly divided over key policy themes and even basic philosophical concepts. The inability of this diverse body of opinion to unite in the party and wider economic and political context of the

in Labours old and new
Public expenditure, redistribution and divisions of social democratic political economy
Stephen Meredith

6 The ‘frontiers of social democracy’: public expenditure, redistribution and divisions of social democratic political economy Introduction Two abiding themes of British politics in the 1960s and 1970s were the European membership debate and British economic decline. Both played crucial roles in the dialogue and uneven progress of Labour Governments of the period, and in the wider debates of the Labour Party and British politics. These critical aspects of political debate also reveal the inherent complexity and emerging divisions of Labour’s post-war revisionist

in Labours old and new
Ben Jackson

7 Let us face the future 7.1 Introduction: equality and fellowship In the previous chapter, I argued that the ideal of social justice defended by the revisionists was robustly egalitarian and involved a powerful critique of the idea of a ‘meritocracy’. Attempts to portray the revisionists as meritocrats have therefore misunderstood the revisionist case, and have distorted accounts of the public philosophy of the Labour Party in this period. However, it would be misleading to conclude my analysis at this point. While putative critics of revisionism might be

in Equality and the British Left
Stephen Meredith

perspectives. One strand has emphasised a Thatcherite ‘accommodationist’ explanation of New Labour.1 Others have adopted a ‘revisionist’ perspective of the gradual evolution and transformation to New Labour from within Labour’s own evolutionary social democratic tradition.2 Others still attempt to combine these uni-dimensional explanations and describe the contemporary Labour Party as ‘post-Thatcherite’3 or, from within ‘the project’, as a modernised social democracy in radically changed economic and social circumstances, incorporating the concept of the ‘Third Way’.4 Within

in Labours old and new
Abstract only
Ben Jackson

the principles of social justice recommended by the so-called ‘revisionists’. In contrast to some widespread perceptions of revisionist ideology, I conclude that they were committed to an egalitarian, non-meritocratic view of justice. The next Means and ends 153 chapter shows that while substantial philosophical differences did emerge on the Left in this period, they in fact centred on the extent to which egalitarians should aim to foster a new spirit of fellowship and social solidarity. The chapter concludes by reviewing the new ideas about egalitarian strategy

in Equality and the British Left
Open Access (free)
Philip Nanton

the islands. 5 Other forms of frontier retention In other ways St Vincent society continues to betray enduring and distinguishing marks of its frontier experience. These marks, both at the collective and individual level, though often ignored, are to be found as much in the island’s contemporary revisionist history as in traces of individual lifestyles

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Abstract only
Geoff Horn

‘interrupted neo-revisionism’ that originally developed in the 1970s, and was already moving away from the egalitarianism of Croslandite revisionism.10 Meredith has argued that New Labour reflected a shift in the balance of power, rather than a clear ideological departure from Labour’s social democratic traditions, as it shared much of the political approach, party management and policy prescriptions of the earlier neo-revisionist tendency. His description of the original neo-revisionists could equally be applied to New Labour: ‘While they generally remained committed to the

in Crossing the floor