The essays in this book demonstrate the importance of translation and European writing in the development of the Gothic novel. Cross-cultural exchanges occurred with the translation of novels by English writers into French. The book first situates works by British writers and American writers within a European context and legacy. Next, it offers readings of less-known works by Gothic authors. The book introduces the reader to a range of neglected, albeit influential, European Gothic texts which originated in Russian, Spanish, French and German. It argues that the level of ideological manipulation, which occurred as texts were translated, mistranslated, appropriated, misappropriated, altered and adapted from one language to another, was so considerable and so systematic that generic mutations were occasioned. The book suggests that Matthew Lewis's The Monk offers a few models of femininity, all deriving from and intended to disrupt, previous literary representations. It focuses on the automatic and the systematic in Charles Maturin's work in relation to Denis Diderot's contemporary philosophical conceptualizations of consciousness and identity. Gothic treacheries are dealt with through Samuel Coleridge's analysis of misappropriation of Friedrich Schiller's Die Rauber. The book also discusses the representations of ritual violence, as sanctioned by the Catholic Church, in English and Spanish pictorial and literary texts between 1796 and 1834. It talks about the Arabesque narrative technique of embedding tales within tales to create a maze in which even the storyteller becomes lost, reflecting the Eastern notion that the created is more important than the creator.
articulate her personal and political sense of disaffection
from both her husband and certain European political strategies without
too much risk of censorship.
From censorship within the private world we move to
Catholicism as an institutionalized form of censorship. Joan
Curbet’s essay, ‘”Hallelujah to your dying screams
of torture”: representations of ritualviolence in English and
contrast, the more frequent use
of highly symbolic instruments of death, such as the noose, even in cases of
private violence in the South reveals not only a greater callousness but also
the desire to transform a private killing into a brazen public statement.
However, it is the ritualizedviolence of communal lynching that most
sharply distinguishes South Africa’s bureaucratic culture of violence from the
lynch culture of the American South. One way to account for this difference
is to draw upon Sheila McCoy Smith’s concept of “ululation,” the sequence
of steps that
Representations of ritual violence in English and Spanish Romanticism
religious ritualism that is offered by British authors writing about
Spain with the representation of this phenomenon in Spanish culture. I
hope that the following analysis will allow us to understand more
clearly the thematic signficance of Catholic ritualviolence within the
Gothic tradition, and also enable us to reach some conclusions as to why
the contribution of Spanish culture to this tradition was so scant
ritualviolence was not used sparingly to
impose control over Africans. As a young farmer and devout Christian, Paul
Kruger, the future president of the Transvaal Republic, liberally whipped
Africans who refused to render him forced labor. Several chiefs were publicly whipped for various acts of non-compliance between 1840 and 1870,
suggesting that the violent abuse and debasement of commoners must have
been vastly greater. 55
Kommandos were also an emotional Boer symbol of alternative authority to British rule so that British victory in the Anglo-Boer war effectively
eighteenth century Britain’, History, 72 (1987) 38–61; Margaret Hunt, The
Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender and the Family in England, 1680–1780
(Berkeley, 1996); Robert Shoemaker, ‘The decline of public insult in London
1660–1800’, P&P, 169:1 (2000), 97–131. See also ‘The taming of the duel:
masculinity, honour and ritualviolence in London, 1660–1800’, HJ, 45
(2002), 525–45 and The London Mob: Violence and Disorder in Eighteenth
Century England (London, 2004); Paul Langford, Englishness Identified.
Manners and Character 1650–1850 (Oxford, 2000); Linda Colley, Captives:
The duel in Russia, in its cultural-historical and literary contexts, has been examined too by Irina Reyfman in her book RitualizedViolence Russian Style . Duelling codes in printed form, she affirms, appeared ‘late in the duel’s history, when the live dueling tradition had begun to deteriorate’ (Reyfman, 1999, 290–1, n. 9) – later still in Russia, only ‘at the end of the nineteenth century’. It is also said that Italy, which had much earlier been ‘the main producer of treatises on dueling and the honor code … itself did not know serious dueling’ (ibid
Theodore Roosevelt’ssecond corollary to the Monroe Doctrine
mob-executed ritualviolence led Mark Twain, the nation’s most
famous novelist, to label his country ‘The United States of
Lyncherdom’, and lambast his countrymen for an ‘epidemic
of bloody insanities’.
Twain was not alone in enquiring how a nation in which
lynchings were rife could brazenly issue other states with protests
condemning their abuse of human rights and engage in civilizing missions
, 2014), pp. 183–202.
72 R. Shoemaker, ‘The taming of the duel: Masculinity, honour and ritualviolence in
London, 1660–1800’, Historical Journal, 45:3 (2002), 525–45.
73 J. Kelly, That Damn’d Thing Called ‘Honour’: Duelling in Ireland, 1570–1860 (Cork:
Cork University Press, 1995).
74 M. Cohen, ‘“Manners” make the man: Politeness, chivalry, and the construction of
masculinity, 1750–1830’, Journal of British Studies, 44 (2005), 312–29; C. Kennedy,
‘“A Gallant Nation”: Chivalric masculinity and Irish nationalism in the 1790s’,
in M. McCormack (ed.), Public Men
’ is balanced by
the chorus’s insistence that ‘old men are jealous’ (Yeats 1907: 52).
In claiming that the King’s forgiveness derived in the main from
‘his own natural impulse’ (52), Fergus reveals himself as a representative of Apollonian order; with their experience of life on the
margins of society (they are travellers) and their access to music,
however, the chorus is tapped into a Dionysian impulse towards
ritual, violence and the destruction of individualism as a cultural
norm. The irony of Fergus’s statement – ‘I have known his mind
as if it were my own’ (61