Abstract only
Religion and power in the Frankish Kingdoms: studies in honour of Mayke de Jong

This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.

Competition and cooperation?

, but also because of his Königsnähe and his membership of the court. Let us now look to the column in the confraternity book listing abbots. Abbot Hilduin of Saint-Denis is head of the list. Saint-Denis was of course one of the most prestigious royal monasteries, and Hilduin’s predecessor Waldo was a former Reichenau monk. Hilduin was also abbot of the monasteries of Saint-Médard in Soissons, Saint-Germain des Près and Salonnes. As arch-chaplain he was one of the most influential counsellors of Emperor Louis. His position at court was very strong because of his

in Religious Franks

eclipse Reims and Fleury as the royal monastery par excellence. Thus, with the background now in place it is to that story that we now turn our attention. Notes 1 Richer of Saint-Rémi, Histories , ed. and trans. Justin Lake, 2 vols (Cambridge, MA, 2011), Vol. II, p. 214. 2 Ibid ., Vol. II, p. 221. 3 Yves Sassier, ‘ Rex Francorum, dux Francorum : Le gouvernement royal au dernier demi-siècle carolingien’, in Le monde carolingien: Bilan

in Constructing kingship

three brothers taking part in the foundation of the monastery on royal land. Dagobert not only provided the land but also partially endowed the institution. 57 This fact has been seen to raise the important question of whether or not Rebais may have been a royal monastery. Indeed, the episcopal privilege for another monastery, the abbey at Saint-Colombe in Sens, from 660

in Late Merovingian France
Abstract only

The bishop was likewise responsible for securing and enforcing monastic privileges. Commenting on the foundations of the royal monastery of the Holy Apostles in Arles by King Childebert I (d. 558), Gregory summoned the action as a model. Lauding the king’s desire to provide the monastery’s inhabitants with a peaceful existence, one with rights conferred explicitly by the apostolic see, Gregory’s letter mentions the privileges bestowed on that monastery, ‘both in the management of its property and in the ordination of its abbot’. 24 According to the pope, this

in Freedom and protection
Abstract only
Paganism, infidelity and biblical punishment in the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae

delight at the fact that ‘in our times and yours, a nation of pagans is led to a true and great religion and a perfect faith, and is subjugated to your royal authority’.52 Hadrian also promises to host liturgical celebrations for the longevity of Charlemagne’s victory. These celebrations had been requested by the king himself, an evident sign that he too laboured under the impression at this point that the subjugation of Saxony was a done deal.53 Still in 786, Hadrian dispatched a second letter to the Carolingian court. It was delivered by the abbots of two royal

in Religious Franks

also integral and even essential parts of the Church around the year 1000, even though they lacked any sacramental power such as presiding at the mass or ordaining priests. Usually the Church’s greatest donors, kings and emperors were also the catalyst for the foundation of new bishoprics as, for instance, at Magdeburg and Bamberg. They also endowed or continued to endow royal monasteries and collegial canonries, of which they were often members. Christian sovereigns convened and presided over Church councils, and even appointed bishops and abbots as well as

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century
Inalienability of church property and the sovereignty of a ruler in the ninth century

charter was being issued – a special royal privilege confirming the exchange of church property.46 This points to a deliberate reception and use of Roman imperial law by Louis the Pious and his advisers. One may suspect that the Carolingian rulers – as Justinian before – did not intend to give up control over ecclesiastical property, which in the West had derived to a large extent from the royal donation of fiscal lands.47 Munificence of this kind played an enormous part not only in the endowment of royal monasteries, but also in the foundation of new bishoprics, and in

in Religious Franks

Magdeburg to defend the royal monastery of Quedlinburg (where the emperor’s sister, Adelaide, was abbess and his betrothed, Eupraxia, was staying), which had been attacked by Ekbert: Robinson (1999) , pp. 270–1. 367 Annals of Augsburg 1088, p. 133; Annals of Disibodenberg 1089, p. 9; Liber de

in Chronicles of the Investiture Contest
Abstract only

, Liudolf H, active between 963 and 980. His frequent appearances in this capacity involved him in many of the high political events of the day, and placed him at the heart of both Ottos’ entourages over a sustained period. 196 In 966 Adalbert became abbot of Wissembourg, a prominent royal monastery in Alsace, and performed well enough that two years later he was appointed first archbishop of the new see of

in History and politics in late Carolingian and Ottonian Europe