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The career and writings of Peter Heylyn
Author: Anthony Milton

This is a full-length study of one of the most prolific and controversial polemical authors of the seventeenth century. It provides a detailed analysis of the ways in which Laudian and royalist polemical literature was created, tracing continuities and changes in a single corpus of writings from 1621 through to 1662. In the process, the author presents new perspectives on the origins and development of Laudianism and ‘Anglicanism’, and on the tensions within royalist thought. The book is neither a conventional biography nor simply a study of printed works, but instead constructs an integrated account of Peter Heylyn's career and writings in order to provide the key to understanding a profoundly polemical author. Throughout the book, Heylyn's shifting views and fortunes prompt a reassessment of the relative coherence and stability of royalism and Laudianism.

Dale Townshend

This article seeks to provide an account of the political biases at stake in the conceptualisation of medieval English history in Ethelwina, Or The House of Fitz-Auburne (1799), the first fiction of the prolific Gothic romancer-turned-Royal Body Guard T. J. Horsley, Curties. Having considered Curties‘s portrayal of the reign of King Edward III in the narrative in relation to formal historiographies of the period, the article turns to address the politics of Curties‘s appropriation of Shakespeare‘s Hamlet.

Gothic Studies
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
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Anthony Ascham and English political thought, 1648–50
Author: Marco Barducci

The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.

Author: John Walter

Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.

Edward Legon

recrimination within government itself, I argue that hard-line Royalists saw oblivion as a dangerous capitulation to ‘fanaticism’, the political and religious impulse that, by their estimation, had resulted in ‘rebellion’ and ‘usurpation’ in the early 1640s.3 I suggest that the election of the Cavalier Parliament in early 1661 provided these Royalists with an opportunity to alleviate such anxieties by effectively seizing the authority to speak for the past from Charles II and those who had supported a conciliatory settlement a year earlier. This took the form of legislation

in Revolution remembered
Orchestrating English polemics in Paris and The Hague, 1645–8
Thomas Cogswell

antagonists were not confined to the archipelago; they also spilled over in translation onto the continent. We can see this phenomenon both as Hyde and Nicholas laboured to secure ‘a solid answer to the villainous false Declaration’ and as Walter Strickland, Parliament’s agent in the Netherlands, encouraged his superiors to ‘set them selves right in the eyes of strangers’. Browne was Charles’s diplomatic agent in Paris, while Hyde, then in Jersey, and Nicholas in Caen supervised royalist efforts in France. Together their efforts illustrate how national and transnational

in Revolutionising politics
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Contestation and cultural resistance
Edward Legon

Chapter 4 Seditious memories: Contestation and cultural resistance T he first months of the Restoration saw the rapid seizure of the authority to speak for the past. The beneficiaries were a group of hard-line Royalists who had objected vocally to the conciliatory atmosphere that defined Charles II’s return to England. Through the passage of legislation that effectively supplanted the programme of oblivion and its clarion call for a process of forgetting, the aptly named Cavalier Parliament unleashed the systematic censure of their erstwhile enemies through

in Revolution remembered
Marissa Nicosia

Tragedie documents and dramatises current events with a strong partisan slant –​in this case, a royalist one.2 The first four acts chronicle the struggle of Charles I’s generals at the ill-​fated siege of Colchester, Cromwell’s pursuit of power, and the King’s trial and execution. The action culminates in a funereal fifth act devoted to mourning the deceased King and his fallen supporters.3 But the end of the play is not the end of the story of The Famous Tragedie, which had an important afterlife in the Restoration. The play was reprinted only a few months after King

in From Republic to Restoration
Kevin Forkan

8 • The marquess of Ormond, Lord Montgomery of the Ards and the problem of authority in Ulster, 1649 kevin forkan ‘The ministers before had preached so much against Ards’ treachery, that few of his people had heart or hand to join him’.1 This was Robert Baillie’s cutting description of the reaction to efforts by Lord Montgomery of the Ards to shore up royalist support in Ulster during the second half of 1649. Montgomery, commander-­in-­chief of the Ulster royalist forces by commissions from both Charles II and the marquess of Ormond, lord lieutenant of Ireland

in Ireland in crisis