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The military in British art, 1815-1914

In an age when engraving and photography were making artistic images available to a much wider public, artists were able to influence public attitudes more powerfully than ever before. This book examines works of art on military themes in relation to ruling-class ideologies about the army, war and the empire. The first part of the book is devoted to a chronological survey of battle painting, integrated with a study of contemporary military and political history. The chapters link the debate over the status and importance of battle painting to contemporary debates over the role of the army and its function at home and abroad. The second part discusses the intersection of ideologies about the army and military art, but is concerned with an examination of genre representations of soldiers. Another important theme which runs through the book is the relation of English to French military art. During the first eighty years of the period under review France was the cynosure of military artists, the school against which British critics measured their own, and the place from which innovations were imported and modified. In every generation after Waterloo battle painters visited France and often trained there. The book shows that military art, or the 'absence' of it, was one of the ways in which nationalist commentators articulated Britain's moral superiority. The final theme which underlies much of the book is the shifts which took place in the perception of heroes and hero-worship.

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J.W.M. Hichberger

. It will be seen that the works of art on military themes exhibited at the RA may be significantly related to the contending ideologies of different sections of the ruling classes. An important function of the book will be to examine works of art on military themes in relation to ruling-class ideologies about the army, war and the empire. The first part of the book, chapters one to eight, is devoted to

in Images of the army
J.W.M. Hichberger

post-Crimean era civilian groups pressed the government and the army to domesticate soldiers into the respectable institution of marriage, perceiving that ‘immorality’ was an inevitable result of army policy. The connection of soldiers with ‘loose women’ was construed very differently in ruling-class ideology in the pre-Crimean period. The contemporary mythologies of prostitution and

in Images of the army
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J.W.M. Hichberger

. 56 The period from the Crimean war to the Cardwell reforms was a watershed in civilian-military relations. After the reforms the army was increasingly construed in ruling-class ideology as the instrument for the heroic conquest of the empire. Battle painting also underwent transition in this twenty-year period. A number of crucial changes took place, including the assimilation of French battle painting

in Images of the army
J.W.M. Hichberger

chivalry. Intermixed is the ideology of the perfection of the family and especially its heart, the mother. The officer who refuses the soldier permission to visit his dying mother is opposing important ruling-class ideologies and is thus himself ‘guilty’. His guilt does not reflect on the army. It is not to be inferred that the army is an inhumane institution, since only one person within it has abused his

in Images of the army
Michael Loadenthal

establish their own power (Danaher 2002, 86). Ruling class ideology is maintained through constant war, and until such control is subverted and challenged, it will continue to reproduce. The modernist interpretation of this civil/social war is most clearly articulated by TIC. In a talk delivered in New York, an anonymous member of the Committee (2013, 1–2) stated: There is a war going on – a permanent, global civil war … the meaning of this war is not understood. Everything said about the asymmetrical shape of the so-called “new wars” only adds to the confusion. The

in The politics of attack
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Crisis, capitalism and democracy
Sinéad Kennedy

for it. Understood in these terms we can see how the central task of ruling-class ideology in the context of the financial crisis has been to impose a narrative which will place the blame for the meltdown not on the global capitalist system itself but on secondary or contingent deviations (too little regulation of MUP_CoulterNagle_Printer3.indd 99 24/04/2015 16:36 100 The political economy of crisis in Ireland financial markets, the corruption of the financial markets, or a bloated public sector). The crisis becomes no one’s fault because it was really everyone

in Ireland under austerity
Chris Gilligan

racist belief systems were to be identified by their functions in maintaining structured inequalities’ on the grounds that this ‘failed to take sufficient account of the complexities of whole societies and situations’.73 Rex has argued that Banton does not pay adequate attention to issues of power and conflict. He warns Banton that ‘a sociologist should never merely ask “What system operates here?” without referring to the balance of power which underlies it. To fail to do this too often results in the representation of ruling-class ideologies as though they were

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism
S.J. Barnett

assumption behind the dominance of the top-down model of intellectual change. The core of that implicit assumption is that for most of the time the masses were intellectually inert or meekly submissive to the ideology of Church, lord and state, passively waiting for intellectual change from above. So, in terms of the history of the process of secularization, the lower orders are often understood to have been for most of the time little more than mirrors in which ruling-class ideology was reflected. Thus the poor unthinkingly went to Church, believed in the tenets of

in The Enlightenment and religion
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The Voortrekker Monument and Freedom Park
Yvette Hutchison

personal to create public memory by ordering and interpreting experience; this, in turn, shapes our understanding of ourselves and our world. Museums play a large role in this creation of public meaning and are significant because they are often part of the Cultural Ideological State Apparatus (Althusser, 1993: 15–22), which David Meltzer argues ‘represent[s] the ruling class ideology, and [is] unified by political and class identity’ (1981:  115). Museums traditionally standardise and fix a narrative or image of the dominant group visually, and in doing so interpret and

in South African performance and archives of memory