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Sarah Lonsdale

new women-only climbing club. The article explained that while women climbers had always appreciated the kindness of men prepared to take a woman on an expedition, it really was time that women now forged their own way: As in other walks of life, women wanted to find their own feet; it was very splendid for some women always to be able to borrow crutches in the shape of a man’s help, and a man’s rope, but it is even better to find we have feet of our own. 78 Parallel platforms, safe havens: interwar women’s leadership, the Pinnacle Club and journal The

in Rebel women between the wars
The media and international intervention
Author:

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

Megan Daigle
,
Sarah Martin
, and
Henri Myrttinen

workers’ realities and that problematically position the ‘home’ (compound, office, residence) as a safe haven, concealing the violence within it ( Ahmed, 2000 : 36). Little attention is paid to how ‘we’ as aid actors might perpetrate harm ourselves or to threats from within. The Oxfam scandal and subsequent cases at other prominent international NGOs, as well as the #AidToo movement, have highlighted some of these mostly unspoken issues (see Martin, 2018

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Stavros Stavrides

their “own” safe havens in the middle of highly dangerous urban periferias. They rather attempt to construct shared housing areas to live in, which may be considered as materialized examples of a different kind of urban cohabitation. So their gates do not only try to keep out the threats that come from state or paramilitary forces. This attempt, anyhow, would be as meaningless as it is to barricade an autonomous area in Lacandona. Military or paramilitary forces can’t be warded off by the efficiency of gates or borderline constructions but may only be countered by

in Common spaces of urban emancipation
Abstract only
Philip Hammond

pulled out in March 1994 and all other UN troops had left by March 1995. Operation Restore Hope, the largest operation, deployed over 30,000 US and allied forces, with the declared objective of protecting the delivery of humanitarian aid against looting, and was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of ‘safe havens

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Katherine Aron-Beller

independent religious and administrative autonomy, possessing, almost like an early modern Christian confraternity or guild, its own prayer congregations, scuole and welfare institutions.14 During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Modena proved to be a safe haven for Jewish difference. The Jews were not part of the community of citizens, with its palpable embodiment of cultural principles, beliefs and rituals, but were mostly free from religious and socio-political persecution and indeed able to address the Duke directly when they bargained with him regarding their

in Jews on trial
Abstract only
Jonathan Benthall

search of safe havens were from the Rakhine State of Myanmar and from Bangladesh. Islamic NGOs have a potentially important contribution to make in helping to make life more tolerable for victims of conflict, oppression and economic stagnation in their home countries – a large proportion of whom are Muslims – so that they are less motivated to take huge risks in the hands of traffickers. Advocacy for

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Phil Williams

targets are many of the advanced postindustrial countries that are also the major targets of terrorism. Not only do these countries wield political, economic and military power in ways that terrorist groups find unacceptable, they also provide lucrative markets for criminals. In short, the target countries are the same; the difference is that criminals seek to exploit them and terrorists to hurt them. Third, there are few if any islands of security or safe havens in this new world. The United States prior to September 11 still considered itself as such, but this notion

in Limiting institutions?
Kuba Szreder

published manifesto Art for UBI , where they write: While the art market confirms his status as a safe-haven assets provider for the financial elite, the current pandemic has highlighted the fragility and precarity of art workers around the world, a condition common to a growing portion of humanity. In this situation a UBI (Universal Basic Income) would then represent a solution and indeed an urgent measure to implement. But UBI is not ‘only’ a response to poverty, it is a necessary condition in order

in The ABC of the projectariat
Amikam Nachmani

army to operate against the Kurds in northern Iraq. Baghdad had to “swallow,” with hardly a gulp, these Turkish occasional anti-Kurdish incursions into its territory. Prevented from imposing its authority on northern Iraq – first, because of its long war with Iran and, later, because of the “Safe Haven” policy (or “Safe Zone” – see pp. 38 –40), imposed by the United States and its Gulf war allies – Iraq practically owes its territorial integrity to the whims of Ankara. Turkey resents a too strong Kurdish “Safe Haven;” without those incursions, the Kurds would have

in Turkey: facing a new millennium