2 Differentiating racism and sectarianism The issue regarding whether sectarianism is racism or whether the two are distinct phenomena might initially appear to be a pedantic one. Duncan Morrow, a politics lecturer at Ulster University and former chief executive of the Community Relations Council, implies this when he says that both racism and sectarianism play a part in dividing Northern Irish society, and argues for a good relations strategy as ‘an approach that will enable racism and sectarianism to be addressed equally and together’.1 Morrow focuses on a

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism

This chapter examines the role that political division and power-sharing has played in impeding a focus within social policy and politics on the needs of recent immigrants and longer-established black and ethnic minority groups (such as British Asians and Chinese) living in Northern Ireland. The organisation of political parties along sectarian lines in Northern Ireland, and a power-sharing system designed to represent only those who identify as ‘green’ or ‘orange’, inevitably work to exclude immigrants. Drawing

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Working-class English associational culture

3 Working-class English associational culture Independent and sectarian: working-class English associational culture In the early 1870s, English associational culture took a significant new turn with the formation of two parallel, though nearly identical, associations in the United States and Canada. The OSStG was established in 1870 in the coalfield communities of Pennsylvania; and four years later, in 1874, the Sons of England Benefit Society held its inaugural meeting in Toronto. Within ten years, these would become the largest English associations in the

in The English diaspora in North America
The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse

five Negotiating ‘a difficult sectarian terrain’: the public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse Andrew Shields The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse T his chapter will examine the political career and public life of William Parsons, the 3rd Earl of Rosse, in the years between his first election as an MP for King’s County (present-day Offaly) in 1821 and his death in October 1867. Like his father, Laurence Parsons, the 2nd Earl of Rosse, the 3rd Earl could, with considerable justice, be described as a ‘reluctant

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse

On the other hand Bew et al. are a little more circumspect. As they make clear the hand-over of power was perhaps a little more forthright and deliberate: ‘The strategy of class alliance pursued by the Unionist middle class, together with the diplomatic strategies of the British government, were responsible for the establishment of a Northern Ireland state with a sectarian-populist flavour.’ 8 For these scholars Unionism had reluctantly grasped the nettle of Home Rule for the six north-east counties, an option it had hitherto resisted, though one that it would

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

, but creating a megaphone for prejudice, propaganda, targeted character attacks and the erosion of trust. But these changes, while important, will not have the same far-reaching consequences as the change in the distribution of power in the system as a whole. The three options outlined above – renegotiated global norms, sectarian norms and a norm void – are not mutually exclusive, and we might pass through them in phases or move between them in a less linear fashion. These changes are just the beginning of a world of uncertainty and ambiguity

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Rethinking racism and sectarianism

Racism and sectarianism makes an important contribution to the discussion on the 'crisis of anti-racism' in the United Kingdom. Anti-racist theory and practice has been in crisis for more than a quarter of a century. The power of official anti-racism comes from its endorsement and institutionalisation by states in domestic and international law and in institutional practice. The book first explores whether sectarianism is racism, examining three different arguments in favour of treating racism and sectarianism as distinct phenomena. Exploring what is racism, the book examines through the prism of Race Relations theory and practice, because they constitute the dominant approach to tackling racism in the UK. The focus is on the conception of racism that underpins Race Relations policy and theory. The book agrees that the radical grassroots anti-racist movements of the 1960s and 1970s were important and that the relationship between racism and anti-racism is not straightforward. It considers the internationalisation of the Race Relations approach through the UN, and the incorporation of Race Relations into domestic UK policy. Further, the book challenges the idea that Race Relations theory is unproblematic. Anti-racisms as they actually existed in the process of historical change and development are examined. Human consciousness plays a crucial role in this process. Finally, the book explores the limitations of a Race Relations approach to harassment through a critical examination of the most recent innovation in official anti-racism, hate crime policy, which formally came into operation in Northern Ireland in September 2004.

This book addresses the intriguing incongruity between naming Charles Robert Maturin as a 'well-known' author of the Romantic period and the lack of any real critical analysis of his works in the past thirty years. The central thesis of the book is that Maturin's novels provide the key to a new understanding of Irish national fiction as a peculiarly haunted form of literature. Specifically, it argues that Maturin's too often overlooked body of fiction forcefully underscores the haunting presence of the past and past literary forms in early nineteenth-century Irish literature. It is a presence so often omitted and/or denied in current critical studies of Irish Romantic fiction. The book represents a project of ghost-hunting and ghost-conjuring. It investigates the ways in which Maturin's fourth novel attempts to build on the ruins of the Irish nation by describing the fissures produced by religious sectarianism in the country. The book makes use of the rarely consulted correspondence between Maturin and the publisher Archibald Constable. It does this to emphasise the manner in which Maturin's completion of his novel, Melmoth the wanderer was at all times crowded by, and, indeed, infiltrated with, his work on competing texts. These include books of sermons, Gothic dramas, short stories, and epic poems interspersed with prose narrative.

The impact of devolution and cross-border cooperation

This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.

This work examines the ‘amateur military tradition’ in Ireland, essentially the framework in which part-time soldiers of the British Army existed, alongside their regular army counterparts, and how they interacted with wider society. In Ireland, this included the militia, yeomanry, Territorial Force (later Army), Officers’ Training Corps, Volunteer Training Corps, the Ulster Home Guard (UHG), and the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). It covers the period from the re-establishment of the Irish militia during the Crimean War until the disbandment of the UDR after the British Army’s ‘Options for Change’ paper in 1992. Due to Ireland’s peculiar position within the British military framework, a distinct Irish amateur military tradition developed which, in many respects, was different to the English, Welsh, or Scottish traditions. Additionally, two further traditions have been identified, distinctive to the Irish socio-political environment. Firstly, the re-emergence of the Protestant volunteering tradition, witnessed in Ulster as early as the seventeenth century, also found in paramilitary groups such as the Ulster Volunteer Force, and, secondly, a Catholic amateur military tradition, largely present in the Irish militia until the Edwardian period. Crucially, the work recognises a significant contribution of Irish men and women to activities within the British Empire during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.