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Chris Gilligan

2 Differentiating racism and sectarianism The issue regarding whether sectarianism is racism or whether the two are distinct phenomena might initially appear to be a pedantic one. Duncan Morrow, a politics lecturer at Ulster University and former chief executive of the Community Relations Council, implies this when he says that both racism and sectarianism play a part in dividing Northern Irish society, and argues for a good relations strategy as ‘an approach that will enable racism and sectarianism to be addressed equally and together’.1 Morrow focuses on a

in Northern Ireland and the crisis of anti-racism
Bethany Waterhouse-Bradley

This chapter examines the role that political division and power-sharing has played in impeding a focus within social policy and politics on the needs of recent immigrants and longer-established black and ethnic minority groups (such as British Asians and Chinese) living in Northern Ireland. The organisation of political parties along sectarian lines in Northern Ireland, and a power-sharing system designed to represent only those who identify as ‘green’ or ‘orange’, inevitably work to exclude immigrants. Drawing

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Working-class English associational culture
Tanja Bueltmann and Donald M. MacRaild

3 Working-class English associational culture Independent and sectarian: working-class English associational culture In the early 1870s, English associational culture took a significant new turn with the formation of two parallel, though nearly identical, associations in the United States and Canada. The OSStG was established in 1870 in the coalfield communities of Pennsylvania; and four years later, in 1874, the Sons of England Benefit Society held its inaugural meeting in Toronto. Within ten years, these would become the largest English associations in the

in The English diaspora in North America
Philip Proudfoot

conspiracy fact. 2 This final chapter explores the relationship between such real (and imagined) conspiracy, sectarianism, and the collapse of the uprising. I will offer a preliminary definition of conspiracy in this introductory section. However, my broader argument here is that rebel populism, as a political formation built around a simplifying us/them logic, always contains the seeds of conspiratorial

in Rebel populism
The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse
Andrew Shields

five Negotiating ‘a difficult sectarian terrain’: the public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse Andrew Shields The public life and political opinions of the 3rd Earl of Rosse T his chapter will examine the political career and public life of William Parsons, the 3rd Earl of Rosse, in the years between his first election as an MP for King’s County (present-day Offaly) in 1821 and his death in October 1867. Like his father, Laurence Parsons, the 2nd Earl of Rosse, the 3rd Earl could, with considerable justice, be described as a ‘reluctant

in William Parsons, 3rd Earl of Rosse
David Nicholls
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Aaron Edwards

On the other hand Bew et al. are a little more circumspect. As they make clear the hand-over of power was perhaps a little more forthright and deliberate: ‘The strategy of class alliance pursued by the Unionist middle class, together with the diplomatic strategies of the British government, were responsible for the establishment of a Northern Ireland state with a sectarian-populist flavour.’ 8 For these scholars Unionism had reluctantly grasped the nettle of Home Rule for the six north-east counties, an option it had hitherto resisted, though one that it would

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library