The later Stuart church inherited many of the problems that had been faced by its antecedents at institutional, social, and intellectual levels, but was also rocked by several new and profound challenges. It is important, therefore, to locate the established church within a long-term framework of gradual developments and sharp disjunctures. This book offers an account of how clerics and laymen experienced the events of the period between the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 and the Hanoverian succession of 1714. Politics and religion under the later Stuarts were powerfully intermingled, rather than sharply differentiated categories. Some clerics exercised considerable secular power, whilst many laymen dictated the terms of the church's position at local and national levels. Indeed it could hardly have been otherwise when religious beliefs were made into a shibboleth for holding public office and clerics expounded political maxims from pulpits across the land. Having sketched in the basic framework of relevant events in the later Stuart period, and their historical and geographical contexts, it remains to conclude by drawing them together. Three themes emerge as paramount because of their capacity to ignite contemporary discussion in the light of past experience. These include: the conflicting sources of authority for the Church of England, the relations between clergy and laymen, and the question of how successfully the church exercised its pastoral function.
Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
new political leadership that successfully challenged the role of an older elite linked
to the Irish Parliamentary Party. This challenge also carried with it
a potential threat to the authority of the clergy, which had been an
important element of the ‘old order’. Moreover, priests and bishops
had their own agenda, that of mobilising the Irish masses to build a
Catholic community. A guerrilla war to overthrow authority – even
if it was the authority of the secularpower – was not part of this
agenda. The forces that had been unleashed threatened to cause a
another forgery in the same manuscript, attributed to Pope Benedict VIII (1012–24), which declared that ‘no bishop, nor any count nor any secularpower should dare presumptuously to usurp the monastery of Saint-Gilles into their lordship ( dominio )’, presumably because ‘blessed Gilles delivered that abbey with all property belonging to it into the lordship ( dominio ) … of the blessed apostle Peter’. 34 The exemption also placed a limit on secular interference from the counts of Toulouse, Almodis and his son Raymond, who considered the monastery ‘to be a property
traditions through their study and teaching of them. They manipulate the clergy so that its worldly greatness may be seen in [these traditions], and so that secularpower over the world’s wisdom becomes quiescent. Nevertheless, since there is every truth and instruction to which we should give our full attention in holy scripture, it seems to anyone who examines the scriptures that neither scripture nor the truth of scripture is contrary to this [third] observation, but nor is the worldliness of the greater part of the clergy generally explained through God in
the folly of using the idea
of a religious just war in an age of growing secularpower because
‘who does not think his own cause just?’ A more pragmatic
Machiavelli believed that ‘war is just when it is necessary’ and
indeed we see the transformation of the idea of the ‘just war’, with
its religious connotations, into the concept of the ‘just cause’ with
its secular justifications, although the whole issue became confused
during the religious wars sparked off by the Reformation.
Assaults on the validity and dignity of warfare were met with a
concerted and vigorous
this illuminating dimension of Shakespeare's work. In this ongoing project, Shakespeare's spectre and ‘most potent art’ will continue to haunt us.
On issues raised in defining the supernatural, see Victoria Bladen and Marcus Harmes, ‘The Intersections of Supernatural and SecularPower’, in Marcus Harmes and Victoria Bladen (eds), Supernatural and SecularPower in Early Modern England (Farnham and Burlington
ministrations they increasingly saw as tainted and even contagious. Yet the Pataria’s ideals – and to some extent their tactics, which were to be used by the Vallombrosans in Florence against their simonist bishop Peter – were effectively those advocated by Gregory VII in his boycott decrees, but with the potential not just of serious misunderstanding, but indeed misuse. The Pataria, the Vallombrosans and, perhaps especially, Gregory were all expressing and disseminating an ideal of holiness and spirituality that was at a distance from those who possessed secularpower or at
Reade Marvellous Straunge Things”: Ludwig Lavater and the Hauntings of the Reformation’, in Marcus Harmes and Victoria Bladen (eds), Supernatural and SecularPower in Early Modern England (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2015). Edwards also notes that the extensive pamphlet literature about apparitions produced in and for Protestant territories, especially England and Germany, continued to express traditional attitudes to ghosts that would have been categorised as Catholic superstition pursuant to orthodox Protestant ideology: Edwards, ‘The History of Ghosts
treason was rarely, if ever, used by government authorities. See Jonathan K. van Patten, ‘Magic, Prophecy, and the Law of Treason in Reformation England’, The American Journal of Legal History , 27:1 (1983), 1–32. The history of the Elizabethan 1563 legislation is described in Michael Devine, ‘Treasonous Catholic Magic and the 1563 Witchcraft Legislation: The English State's Response to Catholic Conjuring in the Early Years of Elizabeth I's Reign’, in Marcus Harmes and Victoria Bladen (eds), Supernatural and SecularPower in Early Modern England (Farnham: Ashgate