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This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

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Security politics and identity policy

. Second, there is a dynamic ‘security politics’ at work, which uses images of otherness and threat to consolidate and manipulate identity either as a political tactic, or a political end, or both. With remarks that insinuated the potentially treasonous nature of Australian Muslims – embodied in their religion and mores – the Liberal Party ministers and MPs conjured a ‘fifth

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific

science and criminology. As the contributions to this volume show, the corpse is not always the end of the story. On the contrary, as we shall see, a corpse still holds the power to stir up more death. The overall argument is that the brutal treatment of corpses transgresses the spheres of national security politics and the simple spread of terror. Corpses are instead seen as a social force that enchants politics and socialises religion. They make the past present 164 Regnar Kristensen and foresee possible futures. Drawing on popular Catholic practices I stumbled

in Governing the dead
The possibility of a pan-European approach

Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? This book investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe’ through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security. The crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security’ with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-a-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European’ common view on security. The book considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor.

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

now have not been activated as part of the political, are being politicised. This makes it possible, retrospectively, to talk about them as having been ‘non-politicised’ before they were ‘politicised’. Securitisation, on the other hand, includes the added burden of defining what constitutes the security politics of a certain human collective in establishing political diacritics. Wæver, who

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

interactions of still-​discrete bodies:  a balance of power that allows for the management of sovereigns amid anarchy that stops any sovereign body pushing all the others around, or a security community that perpetuates peace by collectively punishing transgressors. We find, then, different variations on a ‘common image of the world’ (Lijphart 1974, 49) –​what in the 1970s Puchala and Fagan (Puchala and Fagan 1974) called the ‘security politics’ image of the world. They found this image accurate in the decades following World War II; international relations was constituted

in Image operations
Open Access (free)
Security/ Mobility and politics of movement

the politics of security. Before briefly turning to mobility in the next section, it should be pointed out that there have been valuable attempts to draw attention to some of the seemingly immobile infrastructures of security (politics). Notably, scholars have engaged architecture (e.g., Adey 2008 ; Fuller 2008 ; Jones 2009 ), and fences and walls that physically direct, interrupt, or constrain movement (e.g., Latte Abdallah and Parizot 2010

in Security/ Mobility
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and patterns of relations that occur outside it. This distinction is qualified also by virtue of the type of security politics developed by the EU and NATO. Both have developed discourses of threat in the post-Cold War period but these have been articulated in the language of norms and values rather than in the language of realism (i.e. balances of power). 7 This has not removed a sense of

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
Open Access (free)
In pursuit of influence and legitimacy

Fisheries. Other ministers can take part as required.9 This 2444Ch4 3/12/02 2:02 pm Page 97 Figure 4.1 The national level of European decision-making – Denmark 2444Ch4 3/12/02 98 2:02 pm Page 98 Member States and the European Union committee was formed by merging the government’s Common Market Committee and Foreign and Security Political Committee. It deals with the issues of all three pillars of the Union, dividing them into Part I (EC matters) and Part II (Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and JHA matters).10 The group of ministers taking part is

in Fifteen into one?