This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
Second, there is a dynamic ‘securitypolitics’ at work, which uses images of otherness and threat
to consolidate and manipulate identity either as a political
tactic, or a political end, or both. With remarks that insinuated
the potentially treasonous nature of Australian Muslims –
embodied in their religion and mores – the Liberal
Party ministers and MPs conjured a ‘fifth
science and criminology. As the contributions to this volume show, the corpse is not always the end of the
story. On the contrary, as we shall see, a corpse still holds the power
to stir up more death.
The overall argument is that the brutal treatment of corpses
transgresses the spheres of national securitypolitics and the simple spread of terror. Corpses are instead seen as a social force that
enchants politics and socialises religion. They make the past present
and foresee possible futures. Drawing on popular Catholic practices
This edited volume explores the political, economic and security legacies former
US President Barack Obama leaves across Asia and the Pacific, following two
terms in office between 2009 and 2017. The aim is to advance our understanding
of Obama’s style, influence and impact by interrogating the nature and contours
of US engagement throughout the region, and the footprint he leaves behind.
Moreover, it is to inform upon the endurance of, and prospects for, the legacies
Obama leaves in a region increasingly reimaged in Washington as the
Indo-Pacific. Contributors to the volume examine these questions in early 2019,
at around the halfway point of the 2017–2021 Presidency of Donald Trump, as his
administration opens a new and potentially divergent chapter of American
internationalism. The volume uniquely explores the contours and dimensions of US
relations and interactions with key Indo-Pacific states including China, India,
Japan, North Korea and Australia; multilateral institutions and organisations
such the East Asia Summit and ASEAN; and salient issue areas such as regional
security, politics and diplomacy, and the economy. It does so with contributions
from high-profile scholars and policy practitioners, including Michael
Mastanduno, Bruce Cumings, Maryanne Kelton, Robert Sutter and Sumit Ganguly. The
volume will be of interest to students and scholars of the international
relations of Asia and the Pacific, broadly defined; US foreign policy and global
engagement; the record and legacies of former President Barack Obama; and the
foreign policies of the administration of President Donald Trump.
Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? This book investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe’ through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security. The crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security’ with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-a-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European’ common view on security. The book considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
this particular security problematic, it also offers a typology of five types of security question asked within these debates. These questions – of timing, criteria, mechanics, consequences and exclusion – function, we argue, as demands on the government to variously justify, explain, clarify, elaborate and defend the decision to proscribe one or more terrorist organisations. This has implications, we suggest, for thinking through issues of audience and agency within securitypolitics, as well as the temporalities therein.
‘I am somewhat puzzled’ (Alderdice 2008
terrorism is fabricated, packaged and disseminated, and the importance thereof.
This broad emphasis means that much of this critical terrorism research may be characterised as sharing a broadly constructivist orientation towards securitypolitics. Constructivism, as approached here, refers not to a specific theoretical framework from which the world may be known, understood or explained. Rather, we use the term to describe an orientation or commitment to viewing the world and its constituents as something which is produced or ‘made’ in the efforts of situated actors to
upon this power’s contemporary manifestation following the TA 2000. This has enabled an exploration of proscription’s enculturation as an important mechanism of parliamentary securitypolitics today (see Neal 2019 ). Through proscription it is possible to access, in the first instance, a specific yet remarkably consistent framing of the British national identity – and, by extension, the identities of parliamentarians in the Lords or Commons – as a liberal, democratic, tolerant and just political space. Such a framing, of course, relies upon juxtaposition to specific
now have not been activated as part of the political, are
being politicised. This makes it possible, retrospectively, to talk
about them as having been ‘non-politicised’ before they
Securitisation, on the other hand, includes the added
burden of defining what constitutes the securitypolitics of a certain
human collective in establishing political diacritics. Wæver, who