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planners have been left free to take a more expansive approach to thinking through how security issues might be used to advance national development and foreign policy priorities. As this chapter will explain in the first section, Brazil is the dominant military actor in South America, which in itself brings an added element of security and opens new space for leadership. The next section will look at how this freedom to manoeuver has been worked into national defence and security policy, allowing these ostensibly military fields of public policy to become new vectors
). On September 25 the government, through its spokesman, confirmed that Ireland was not under threat of a direct attack but could suffer ‘collateral damage’ in the event of an attack close by (O’ Connor and Minihan 2001). Days later, on October 3, the State’s national security policy was significantly revised, with the introduction of new management structures for emergency planning (O’ Connor 2001b
This book represents the first ever comprehensive study of the EU’s foreign and security policy in Bosnia since the dissolution of the Yugoslav Federation in 1991. Drawing on historical institutionalism, it explains the EU’s contribution to post-conflict stabilisation and conflict resolution in Bosnia. The book demonstrates that institutions are a key variable in explaining levels of coherence and effectiveness of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and that institutional legacies and unintended consequences have shaped CFSP impact over time. In doing so, it also sheds new light on the role that intergovernmental, bureaucratic and local political contestation have played in the formulation and implementation of a European foreign and security policy. The study concludes that the EU’s involvement in Bosnia has not only had a significant impact on this Balkan country in its path from stabilisation to integration, but has also transformed the EU, its foreign and security policy and shaped the development of the EU’s international identity along the way.
9 Foreign and security policy under Rodríguez Zapatero Zapatero Instrumental in securing and consolidating Spain’s membership of the EU during its period in office between 1982 and 1996, the PSOE was critical of the more explicitly nationalist discourse adopted by the PP government between 1996 and 2004. In its manifesto for the March 2004 general election, the PSOE contrasted the constructive approach towards European integration adopted by the governments led by Felipe González with the confrontational stance which characterised much of José María Aznar
6 British security policy and the Sunningdale Agreement: the consequences of using force to combat terrorism in a liberal democracy1 Aaron Edwards Throughout these difficult years, it has always been said that a solution lay in a twopronged approach: a vigorous onslaught against the terrorists, coupled with political advance. That political advance will shortly be a reality. – Rt Hon Francis Pym MP, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, speaking after the Sunningdale Conference in December 1973 (House of Commons Debates (Hansard), 13 December 1973, Vol. 866
5 Foreign and security policy under the PSOE government (1982–96): the irresistible force of European imperatives? Introduction As Vilanova has noted, foreign policy analysis must go beyond the mere recounting of events in the foreign policy field, since this approach tells us little about the nature of the political system. Rather, description must be combined with an attempt to analyse the mechanisms available to the political system for the elaboration and implementation of foreign policy, a distinctive area of public policy replete with its own special
worrying lack of concern about nuclear proliferation in Northeast Asia and promised a trade war with the world’s second largest economy. As President, Trump looked like he might govern US foreign policy in the same norm-busting manner in which he had campaigned, with dramatic consequences for regional security. But after two years in office, those hoping for radical change in US security policy towards the region have been disappointed. Much in the way that Obama’s Pivot was more about the presentation of US strategic policy and involved much less substantive change
that the process of CFSP institutionalisation and Brusselisation have run parallel: that is, the physical move of foreign policy decision-making authority has been accompanied by an increase in the number of Brussels-based bureaucratic organisations, formal rules and informal norms. In this chapter, I probe how the institutionalisation of Europe’s foreign and security policy came about. In order to do
3 European Union security policy and initiatives in the Asia-Pacific Fulvio Attinà The national security policies of the states and the collective and multilateral management of international security problems in regions like the European and the Asian region have gone through a remarkable process of transformation passing from the past to the contemporary world system. The traditional instruments for providing security to the state like hi-tech armaments and well-trained armies, and also the ways of building security in geographically limited international
11 Edward Stoddard EU energy security policy in the eastern neighbourhood: towards Europeanisation? While energy security crises facing Europe (such as the oil crises of the 1970s) are not new, the assumption that the European Union should be acting to mitigate them is a relatively novel phenomenon. Indeed, the EU has historically had a limited role in energy policy, a fact often considered a paradox given the role of coal in the EU’s founding treaties (Belyi, 2009: 203). Nevertheless, after a few decades of benign and relatively stable energy markets