9 The European Union’s securitystrategy
in the ASEAN region
The EU has a military dimension as well: our economic face is the one most
Asians (and also most Europeans!) are more familiar with. … We are one of
the major investors in this continent, both in qualitative and quantitative
terms, and the biggest development donor. … But our engagement with Asia
goes well beyond trade, investment, and aid. It’s political. It’s strategic(al).
And it needs to develop more also in the security field. (Federica Mogherini,
High Representative of EU CFSP, VP
This strategy is guided by principled realism. It is realist because it acknowledges
the central role of power in international politics, affirms that sovereign states are the best
hope for a peaceful world, and clearly defines our national interests… We are also
realistic and understand that the American way of life cannot be imposed upon others, nor is it
the inevitable culmination of progress .
The White House, ‘National SecurityStrategy of the United States of America’
( The White House, 2017
limited to operating in countries under Western tutelage, but even those inspired by
anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western securitystrategies. At
the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power,
working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for
humanitarian operations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted
their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian
between the two fields of practice. This article also builds on academic literature
on the negative impacts of existing staff-securitystrategies on humanitarian action
and on the limits of humanitarian approaches to the protection of civilians (see,
for example, Bradley, 2016 ; Duffield, 2012 ; Fast, 2014 ; Ferris,
2011 ). However, even this more critical literature almost invariably
focuses either on aid workers or on the wider
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
securitystrategy’, ‘using the local community to be our protection’, and ‘rely[ing] so heavily on explaining who we are, and what we stand for, and how we work, and how decisions are made, and that’s the embodiment of humanitarian principles’.
Approaches rooted in ‘protection’ tend to be seen as a necessary evil of security management, to be employed in particularly volatile environments when other approaches appear infeasible or ineffective. Furthermore, creating physical barriers between humanitarian actors and their operational environment can even hinder
development. With the accession of ten new member states in just under two
months’ time, an enlarged EU will comprise over 450 million people
producing a quarter of the world’s gross national products.
There is no doubt that the European Union is a global player. Our size
and wealth brings not only opportunities but also obligations.
As Presidency, Ireland is facilitating the dynamic to enhance the role
of the EU as a force for peace.
This is the thinking behind the European SecurityStrategy, which
was adopted by the European Council last December. The increasing
stress the fundamental ambivalence of the everyday (Huysmans, 2014 ), we nevertheless maintain the
distinction between elite and non-elite knowledge in order to identify
the specificity of the latter in containing the capacity to challenge
In 2008 and 2010 the UK government published, and then
subsequently revised, its National SecurityStrategy. As well as
Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
international order informed by US values and interests. 3
The Trump administration is the first in the post-war era to question explicitly the desirability of America’s hegemonic aspiration and the durability of its hegemonic role. Its “America First” rhetoric and objectives signal a preference to depart from order maintenance in favour of the more transactional politics of the balance of power. Its National SecurityStrategy (NSS) of 2017 explicitly casts China and Russia as competitors, rather than as potential partners in the US hegemonic project.
North Korea – as an ‘axis of evil’, and by adopting a
National SecurityStrategy allowing for first strikes. 2 In Jan
Hallenberg’s analysis, the decision to get rid of Saddam
Hussein’s regime had already been taken in principle in the United
States at the presidential level in the autumn of 2001. 3 On 28 January 2003 US
President George W. Bush announced what he had already indicated in
and threats. All major Russian conceptual documents were approved in the
pre-September 11 era, before the global ‘War on Terror’
and the controversy in Iraq. As a result, the perceptions in the 2000
doctrines are partly outdated, containing thin touches of Cold War
thinking. The Security Council is (at the time of writing) still
preparing the National SecurityStrategy to replace the 2000 document.