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Andrew Williams

249 Self-determination and the NWO 8 Self-determination and the NWO Introduction The construct that is the NWO project does not stand or fall on the idea of self-determination. However, it is the part of that construct that is the most often quoted and the part that has caught the attention of the general public and academe. The reason is that it goes to the heart of the debate about what ‘international relations’ has been about (at least) this century: the relationship between individual, state and international system, whichever exact definition of these

in Failed imagination?
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe

by a rhetoric that was resonant of the political campaigns of decolonisation, it was animated by the vision of an independent state, of nationalism and the right to self-determination as a human right. As a political campaign and in its rhetoric, Biafra was in many respects a revenant of many decolonisation projects. However, global order had of course changed, the political forums in which the Biafrans tried to formulate these claims have changed. Many of these forums

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Jeffrey Flynn

1968 the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70) was transformed into the international media event ‘Biafra’. Biafran secessionists failed at first to get the world’s attention with the language of self-determination. But once the West saw the plight of Biafrans through a ‘humanitarian lens’ the response was overwhelming – involving the largest airlift since WWII. Nothing did more to elicit this response than images of starving ‘Biafran babies’ that saturated the Western media. Those images

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

Palestinians’ political rights, including the collective/national right to self-determination and the Right of Return. Indeed, one of the main criticisms levelled by many Palestinians against UNRWA is that its modus operandi has arguably enabled many Palestinians – employees and non-employees alike – to normalise rather than resist and demand sustainable and effective alternatives. 8 Such alternatives, as long argued by proponents of the self-determination of Palestine (the ultimate form of self-sufficiency on a national level), should prioritise

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A feminist analysis, with a new introduction

Representing the first book-length treatment of the application of feminist theories of international law, The boundaries of international law argues that the absence of women in the development of international law has produced a narrow and inadequate jurisprudence that has legitimated the unequal position of women worldwide rather than confronted it.

With a new introduction that reflects on the profound changes in international law since the book’s first publication in 2000, this volume is essential reading for scholars, practitioners and students alike.

Abstract only
An incomplete aspiration

This book examines the topic of an independent ‘Kashmir’ and why this political aspiration to be self-governing and free from coerced subordination to another nation remains unsatisfied. It focuses on how Maharaja Hari Singh, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and Muslim Kashmiris have envisioned or sought independence for Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), or for their particular region within this disputed entity. Hari Singh and Sheikh Abdullah were the two most significant figures in J&K in the twentieth century. They also were political rivals, united briefly in 1947 by not wanting J&K to join Pakistan and by an indecisive desire for an independent J&K. After acceding to India, Singh quickly became redundant. Through a tumultuous political career, Abdullah strove for independence or maximum autonomy for J&K. In 1988, disenchanted Muslim Kashmiris surprisingly began a violent anti-India uprising seeking azadi (independence, freedom) for their region or for it to join Pakistan. Kashmiris remain severely disgruntled and this insurgency continues to pose challenges for India. By concentrating on these two men and this insurgency, the book provides a focused, in-depth history of J&K from the mid-1920s, when Hari Singh became J&K’s ruler, to the present time, when many Kashmiris still crave azadi from India. While an ‘independent Kashmir’ is a long envisioned aspiration, the book concludes that it is likely to remain incomplete while India and Pakistan exist in their current structures, while India is strong and unified, and while Kashmiris are disunified and uncertain about what status they want for their homelands.

P. J. McLoughlin

to further reform to achieve full social and economic equality in Northern Ireland.11 In this, the Agreement also promised to fulfil the demands which had first led Hume into political action in the civil rights era. The Good Friday Agreement and self-determination Another crucial difference between Sunningdale and the GFA is that the latter directly addressed the issue of national self-determination. It did so through the dual-referenda mechanism that was used to endorse the Agreement in both parts of Ireland, thereby allowing voters across the island to express

in John Hume and the revision of Irish nationalism
Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin

this insight has not yet been fully explored. This chapter examines the international legal notion of statehood, the doctrine of recognition, some of the major incidents of statehood – jurisdiction and state responsibility – and the concept of self-determination as a process for acquiring statehood. It discusses the invisibility of women in the construction and application of these legal principles and

in The boundaries of international law
Eve Hepburn

been isolated from each other in closed communities spread across the island. Their involvement in the war ensured that ‘for the first time ever [the Sards] engaged in contact with the reality of the national vision’ (Melis 1982: 23). In return for the sacrifices of the ‘intrepid Sardinians’, the Psd’Az demanded self-determination in order to protect the Sardinian identity, language and culture. These goals won the support of large strata of the population, especially soldiers, peasants and miners. The first party congress was held in April 1921, making the Psd

in Using Europe
Abstract only
Patrick Thornberry

The age of rights 4 The age of rights 1 If the iron cage of sovereignty-based international law continued to imprison the legal imagination, its power loosened significantly in the twentieth century. In terms of State actors, the opening out of the system to all ‘peace-loving’ States2 under the impetus of self-determination implied that the Eurocentric mould was broken or badly damaged.3 On possible types of international actor/participant,4 the phrases of the ICJ in the Reparations case continue to resound: The subjects of law in any legal system are not

in Indigenous peoples and human rights