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Self-interest and political difference
Author: Thomas Prosser

This punchy and provocative book asks a simple but overlooked question: why do we have the political views that we do?

Offering a lively and original analysis of five worldviews – conservatism, national populism, liberalism, the new left and social democracy – Thomas Prosser argues that our views tend to satisfy self-interest, albeit indirectly, and that progressive worldviews are not as altruistic as their adherents believe.

But What’s in it for me? is far from pessimistic. Prosser contends that recognition of self-interest makes us more self-reflective, allowing us to see humanity in adversaries and countering the influence of echo chambers.

As populist parties rise and liberalism and social democracy decline, this timely intervention argues that to solve our political differences, we must first realise what we have in common.

Open Access (free)
Planned Obsolescence of Medical Humanitarian Missions: An Interview with Tony Redmond, Professor and Practitioner of International Emergency Medicine and Co-founder of HCRI and UK-Med

? TR: Yes, and the difficulty we face is how to get them released from the NHS to do this, and here again the innovation needs to be conceptual. First of all, and again coming down to consequence , there is enlightened self-interest for our country to let their medical staff do this type of work. Of course, there is the feel-good factor as well, and people feel very professionally enriched when doing humanitarian work, which is good, and they also feel good about

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

. Humanitarian innovation is politically safe, logoed, glitzy and smart. Besides establishment acceptance, humanitarian innovation draws positivity from its disavowal of past failures and commitment to a future of ‘failing-forward in a spirit of honesty’ ( HPG, 2018 : 132). Transparency regarding current systemic ‘pathologies’ like institutionalising self-interest or neglecting the agency of the disaster-affected ( ibid .: 22–3) is part of the self-cleansing necessary to birth a humanitarianism 2.0. This paper, however, questions whether humanitarian

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Thomas Prosser

that you regard the foundations of your own views more charitably; many consider themselves guided by concern for the less fortunate or by the need to achieve national renewal. Debates such as these will be familiar to anyone who is interested in politics. Though such discussions are diverse, they have one thing in common; they concern self-interest. There have always been disputes such as this in politics, yet in recent years they have intensified and we increasingly misunderstand the motives of others. It is this crisis which moved me to write this book. Why did

in What’s in it for me?
Thomas Prosser

definition of (small-c) conservatism. This demonstrates tensions between economic and non-economic aspects of conservatism, which I explore in this chapter. 4 Why conservatism is broader than self-interest If this wider definition is accepted, modern conservatism exhibits a clear relationship with economic self-interest. The precise nature of this relationship is nonetheless contingent. There are intellectual and institutional filters, the conservative worldview being wider than mere self-interest and the institutions of government implying care for the common good

in What’s in it for me?
A regional political class for itself
Klaus Stolz

self-interest and how successful they have been in these attempts. This is the question of professional politicians as a ‘class for itself’ and as an independent variable in the process of regional institution-building. Such an undertaking cannot be conducted without an analytical framework, integrating the notion of political class and its theoretical implications into a more general theory of institutions and institutional change and its application to the context of regionalism and regionalisation. The following section will thus provide a brief outline of the

in Towards a regional political class?
Klaus Stolz

territorial and the functional – which have long wrongly been treated as being rivals rather than complementing each other (Keating 1998: 3ff.). In this study, the seemingly disparate research strands will be brought together to analyse the empirical coincidence of the two processes in a comparative case study. Looking at Catalonia and Scotland, it will be asked how regional political institutions (together with other regional characteristics) are affecting professional political careers, and how, in turn, the professional self-interest of these politicians is influencing

in Towards a regional political class?
Aeron Davis

the upper classes were, they believed in service to the nation: ‘One thing that has always shown that the English ruling class are morally fairly sound, is that in time of war they are ready enough to get themselves killed.’ 11 Such a sense of national duty and self-sacrifice is decidedly absent in the new elite. Instead, the values of those at the top are all about ‘personal enrichment’, ‘individualism’, ‘enlightened self-interest’ and a reverence for the ‘wealth creators’. But such norms are antithetical to any sense of shared

in Reckless opportunists
Abstract only
Rhiannon Vickers

fascinating one. Inevitably there have been some events that could have been studied in more depth, and one of the main challenges of this study has been to edit down the coverage of any one issue and to decide to cut out some things all together. This study also constructs a framework through which Labour’s foreign policy and its outlook on the world can be analysed and interpreted. It argues that Labour did seek to offer an alternative to the traditional power politics or realist approach of British foreign policy, which had stressed national self-interest, and to provide

in The Labour Party and the world
Jeffrey Hopes

or Misery, and so is concern’d for it self, as far as that consciousness extends.’2 Locke’s argument that self results from consciousness of self, while it seeks to establish self’s unicity, in time and space, demonstrates, by the very terms in which he presents this argument, that it is indelibly reflexive.3 It is a reflexivity that is evident in the reflexive pronouns (here ‘itself’) and in the numerous compound nouns in which ‘self’ figures: self-denial, self-belief, self-interest, self-esteem, self-confidence and, of course, self-love. The question of self in

in Writing and constructing the self in Great Britain in the long eighteenth century