Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.
concepts of self-organization, which by that time had already been well formulated.56
Both have since written many papers elaborating their approach, separately as well as
jointly, the key aspects of which are ably summarized by John Mingers57 in his study
of self-producing systems. Aside from explaining Maturana and Varela’s thought on
the subject, Mingers’ work is especially useful for his insights into what has become
a fertile field of research in its own right, covering human social systems as well as
the biological organisms and other living
Precarious objects is a book about activism and design. The context is the changes in work and employment from permanent to precarious arrangements in the twenty-first century in Italy. The book presents design interventions that address precarity as a defuturing force affecting political, social and material conditions. Precarious objects shows how design objects, called here ‘orientation devices’, recode political communication and reorient how things are imagined, produced and circulated. It also shows how design as a practice can reconfigure material conditions and prefigure ways to repair some of the effects of precarity on everyday life. Three microhistories illustrate activist repertoires that bring into play design, and design practices that are grounded in activism. While the vitality, experimental nature and traffic between theory and praxis of social movements in Italy have consistently attracted the interest of activists, students and researchers in diverse fields, there exists little in the area of design research. This is a study of design activism at the intersection of design theory and cultural research for researchers and students interested in design studies, cultural studies, social movements and Italian studies.
This book explores contemporary urban experiences connected to practices of sharing and collaboration. Part of a growing discussion on the cultural meaning and the politics of urban commons, it uses examples from Europe and Latin America to support the view that a world of mutual support and urban solidarity is emerging today in, against, and beyond existing societies of inequality. In such a world, people experience the potentialities of emancipation activated by concrete forms of space commoning. By focusing on concrete collective experiences of urban space appropriation and participatory design experiments this book traces differing, but potentially compatible, trajectories through which common space (or space-as-commons) becomes an important factor in social change. In the everydayness of self-organized neighborhoods, in the struggles for justice in occupied public spaces, in the emergence of “territories in resistance,” and in dissident artistic practices of collaborative creation, collective inventiveness produces fragments of an emancipated society.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
some degree of freedom from work, Thompson draws attention to the key role played by the multifarious artisan class that enjoyed a greater degree of self-organization relative to early factory workers.
The artisans were also apt to harbour sentiments of political self-determination on account of their self-image as skilled workers animated by a certain spirit of entrepreneurialism (we will return to this point when discussing work and craft in Chapter 4 ). Taking things into their own hands was, quite literally, what the artisans did for a living. Translating this
stem cell research
Baltimore, D., Berg, P., and Botchan, M. et al. (2015) ‘A prudent path forward for
genomic engineering and germline gene modification’, Science, 348.6230: 36–8.
de Lacey, S. (2006), ‘Embryo research: is disclosing commercial intent enough?’,
Human Reproduction, 21.7: 1662–7.
Deglincerti, A., Croft, G. F., and Pietila, L. N. et al. (2016), ‘Self-organization of
the in vitro attached human embryo’, Nature, 533: 251–4.
Devolder, K. (2012) ‘Against the discarded–created distinction in embryonic stem
cell research’, in M
the economy as a determining foundation, as well as a lack of attention to other forms of power differentials (racism, sexism, etc.) rendered Marxism problematic as a vehicle for comprehending systems complexity for Foucault. 11 In the sense that complexity can be described as a form of historical materialism, then, it is as a non-foundational approach, which, in the language of complexity theory, is characterized by ‘self-organization’, ‘time irreversibility’, ‘contextual contingency’, and ‘discursive mediation’. In Foucault’s conception, the topographical model
Judaism and anarchism without challenge to traditional conceptions of the former, he would not have found it. However, he would have discovered men of sincere faith striving to define for themselves what it means to be a Jew, how traditional practices and institutions should inform Jewish self-organization, how those same practices and institutions can change to meet fresh challenges without losing authenticity, the role that Jews should play in carrying out their messianic vocation for humanity, and the means by which to fulfill it.
. Self-organization and the eighteenth century (Chicago, 2015), pp. 11–46.
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emanations, or merely kept in motion by the stars, the living world and all its
diversity was the result. Thus Thomas Harriot, a mathematician instrumental to the earliest Virginian ventures, and likely consulted by Captain John
Smith, was denounced as an atheist for his atomistic conception of nature.14
Or, two generations later, Richard Bentley, a Cambridge classicist, could complain bitterly to Edward Bernard, one